“Finally she begins to realize that she is either reality’s only hope, or its worst enemy.”

Amazon.com:

Disturbing, perplexing, sometimes infuriating, Ryutaro Nakamura’s serial experiments lain
covers some of the same themes as The X-Files and the films of David Lynch. When introverted 13-year-old Lain receives an e-mail from a dead classmate, she gains access to “the Wired,” a virtual world that promises unlimited power to those who can exploit it. Gradually the borders between the real and the virtual blur, and Lain’s own identity begins to fade and fragment. Her parents tell her that she is not really their child, her online self grows in power and independence, and shadowy organizations pursue her in
both worlds. Finally she begins to realize that she is either reality’s only hope, or its worst enemy.


    Nakamura keeps the pace of serial experiments lain deliberately slow, imbuing
the early episodes with a sense of mounting dread that pays off as the
plot develops. The anime technique of panning across static images creates
a meditative stillness that works perfectly, and the repetition of certain
key images gives them a dreamlike significance. Viewers will either love
or hate the complex plot, which seems intent on incorporating every possible
paranoid conspiracy, from sinister nanotechnology to alien plots. However–unlike
many other anime–it somehow hangs together, and frankly not understanding
everything is part of the pleasure of this kind of story. Fans of action-heavy
anime and people who like every loose end tied up should steer clear, but
those who surrender themselves to the slowly unfolding mysteries of the
plot will be amply rewarded. –Simon Leake 

ROBERT FRIPP: “My four criteria for professional work, applied over many years”

From Robert Fripp’s online diary for March 4, 2004:

  My four criteria for professional work, applied over many years, have been these: 

Can I learn from this? 

Is this serving a useful social aim (however we might understand that)? 

Can I earn a living doing this? 

Is this fun? …

Is this serving a useful social aim?

For my generation, there was no doubt that music (and specifically rock music) could “change the
world” for the better; and listening to music, was itself, a significant contribution. There was a spirit of the time, a zeitgeist, and a passion.
So the answer, historically, is yes. 


    But the spirit has moved. Music remains available, but subtleties are involved – are we available to music? – and these subtleties are vulnerable to gross action. Conventional rock performance is now increasingly a business operation & audients claim consumer rights. Where the communion between music, performer & audience? 

    Overall, my current answer is I don’t know.

The New American Century by ARUNDHATI ROY

The New American Century

by ARUNDHATI ROY

 [from the February 9, 2004 issue of TheNation]

Adapted from Ms. Roy’s
Jan 16, 2004 speech to the opening plenary at the World Social Forum in
Mumbai
:

In January 2003 thousands
of us from across the world gathered in Porto Alegre in Brazil and declared–reiterated–that
“Another World Is Possible.” A few thousand miles north, in Washington,
George W. Bush and his aides were thinking the same thing. 


    Our project
was the World Social Forum. Theirs–to further what many call the Project
for the New American Century. 

    In
the great cities of Europe and America, where a few years ago these things
would only have been whispered, now people are openly talking about the
good side of imperialism and the need for a strong empire to police an
unruly world. The new missionaries want order at
the cost of justice.
Discipline at the cost of dignity. And ascendancy
at any price.
Occasionally some of us are invited to “debate” the issue
on “neutral” platforms provided by the corporate media. Debating imperialism
is a bit like debating the pros and cons of rape. What can we say? That
we really miss it? 


    In any
case, New Imperialism is already upon us. It’s a remodeled, streamlined
version of what we once knew. For the first time in history, a single
empire with an arsenal of weapons that could obliterate the world in an
afternoon has complete, unipolar, economic and military hegemony. It uses
different weapons to break open different markets. There isn’t a country
on God’s earth that is not caught in the cross-hairs of the American cruise
missile and the IMF checkbook.
Argentina’s the model if you want to
be the poster boy of neoliberal capitalism, Iraq if you’re the black sheep.
Poor countries that are geopolitically of strategic value to Empire, or
have a “market” of any size, or infrastructure that can be privatized,
or, God forbid, natural resources of value–oil, gold, diamonds, cobalt,
coal–must do as they’re told or become military targets. Those with the
greatest reserves of natural wealth are most at risk. Unless they surrender
their resources willingly to the corporate machine, civil unrest will be
fomented or war will be waged. 


    
In this new age of empire, when nothing is as it appears to be, executives
of concerned companies are allowed to influence foreign policy decisions.
The
Center for Public Integrity in Washington found that at least nine out
of the thirty members of the Bush Administration’s Defense Policy Board
were connected to companies that were awarded military contracts for $76
billion between 2001 and 2002.
George Shultz, former Secretary
of State, was chairman of the Committee for the Liberation of Iraq. He
is also on the board of directors of the Bechtel Group. When asked about
a conflict of interest in the case of war in Iraq he said, “I don’t know
that Bechtel would particularly benefit from it. But if there’s work to
be done, Bechtel is the type of company that could do it. But nobody looks
at it as something you benefit from.” In April 2003, Bechtel signed a $680
million contract for reconstruction. 


    

This brutal blueprint has been used over and over again across Latin America,
in Africa and in Central and Southeast Asia. It has cost millions of
lives. It goes without saying that every war Empire wages becomes a Just
War. This, in large part, is due to the role of the corporate media. It’s
important to understand that the corporate media don’t just support the
neoliberal project. They are the neoliberal project.
This is not a
moral position they have chosen to take; it’s structural. It’s intrinsic
to the economics of how the mass media work. 


    
Most nations have adequately hideous family secrets. So it isn’t often
necessary for the media to lie. It’s all in the editing–what’s emphasized
and what’s ignored. Say, for example, India was chosen as the target for
a righteous war. The fact that about 80,000 people have been killed in
Kashmir since 1989, most of them Muslim, most of them by Indian security
forces (making the average death toll about 6,000 a year); the fact that
in February and March of 2002 more than 2,000 Muslims were murdered on
the streets of Gujarat, that women were gang-raped and children were burned
alive and 150,000 driven from their homes while the police and administration
watched and sometimes actively participated; the fact that no one has been
punished for these crimes and the government that oversaw them was re-elected…all
of this would make perfect headlines in international newspapers in the
run-up to war. 


     
Next thing we know, our cities will be leveled by cruise missiles, our
villages fenced in with razor wire, US soldiers will patrol our streets,
and Narendra Modi, Pravin Togadia or any of our popular bigots will, like
Saddam Hussein, be in US custody having their hair checked for lice and
the fillings in their teeth examined on prime-time TV. 


    But as
long as our “markets” are open, as long as corporations like Enron, Bechtel,
Halliburton and Arthur Andersen are given a free hand to take over our
infrastructure and take away our jobs, our “democratically elected” leaders
can fearlessly blur the lines between democracy, majoritarianism and fascism. 


     
Our government’s craven willingness to abandon India’s proud tradition
of being non-aligned, its rush to fight its way to the head of the queue
of the Completely Aligned (the fashionable phrase is “natural ally”–India,
Israel and the United States are “natural allies”), has given it the leg
room to turn into a repressive regime without compromising its legitimacy. 

    
A government’s victims are not only those it kills and imprisons. Those
who are displaced and dispossessed and sentenced to a lifetime of starvation
and deprivation must count among them too. Millions of people have been
dispossessed by “development” projects. In the past fifty-five years,
big dams alone have displaced between 33 million and 55 million in India.
They have no recourse to justice. In the past two years there have been
a series of incidents in which police have opened fire on peaceful protesters,
most of them Adivasi and Dalit. When it comes to the poor, and in particular
Dalit and Adivasi communities, they get killed for encroaching on forest
land, and killed when they’re trying to protect forest land from encroachments–by
dams, mines, steel plants and other “development” projects. In almost every
instance in which the police opened fire, the government’s strategy has
been to say the firing was provoked by an act of violence.
Those who
have been fired upon are immediately called militants. 


     
Across the country, thousands of innocent people, including minors, have
been arrested under the Prevention of Terrorism Act and are being held
in jail indefinitely and without trial. In the era of the War against Terror,
poverty is being slyly conflated with terrorism. In the era of corporate
globalization, poverty is a crime. Protesting against further impoverishment
is terrorism. And now our Supreme Court says that going on strike is a
crime. Criticizing the court is a crime too, of course. They’re sealing
the exits. 


    
Like Old Imperialism, New Imperialism relies for its success on a network
of agents–corrupt local elites who service Empire.
We all know the
sordid story of Enron in India. The then-Maharashtra government signed
a power purchase agreement that gave Enron profits that amounted to 60
percent of India’s entire rural development budget. A single American company
was guaranteed a profit equivalent to funds for infrastructural development
for about 500 million people! 


    Unlike
in the old days, the New Imperialist doesn’t need to trudge around the
tropics risking malaria or diarrhea or early death. New
Imperialism can be conducted on e-mail.
The vulgar, hands-on
racism of Old Imperialism is outdated. The cornerstone of New Imperialism
is New Racism. 

    
The best allegory for New Racism is the tradition of “turkey pardoning”
in the United States. Every year since 1947, the National Turkey Federation
has presented the US President with a turkey for Thanksgiving. Every year,
in a show of ceremonial magnanimity, the President spares that particular
bird (and eats another one). After receiving the presidential pardon, the
Chosen One is sent to Frying Pan Park in Virginia to live out its natural
life. The rest of the 50 million turkeys raised for Thanksgiving are slaughtered
and eaten on Thanksgiving Day. ConAgra Foods, the company that has won
the Presidential Turkey contract, says it trains the lucky birds to be
sociable, to interact with dignitaries, school children and the press.
(Soon they’ll even speak English!) 


    
That’s how New Racism in the corporate era works. A few carefully bred
turkeys–the local elites of various countries, a community of wealthy
immigrants, investment bankers, the occasional Colin Powell or Condoleezza
Rice, some singers, some writers (like myself)–are given absolution and
a pass to Frying Pan Park. The remaining millions lose their jobs, are
evicted from their homes, have their water and electricity connections
cut, and die of AIDS. Basically they’re for the pot. But the Fortunate
Fowls in Frying Pan Park are doing fine. Some of them even work for the
IMF and the WTO–so who can accuse those organizations of being antiturkey?
Some serve as board members on the Turkey Choosing Committee–so who can
say that turkeys are against Thanksgiving? They participate in it! Who
can say the poor are anti-corporate globalization? There’s a stampede to
get into Frying Pan Park. So what if most perish on the way? 


    
As part of the project of New Racism we also have New Genocide. New Genocide
in this new era of economic interdependence can be facilitated by economic
sanctions. New Genocide means creating conditions
that lead to mass death without actually going out and killing people.
Denis
Halliday, who was the UN humanitarian coordinator in Iraq between 1997
and 1998 (after which he resigned in disgust), used the term genocide to
describe the sanctions in Iraq. In Iraq the sanctions
outdid Saddam Hussein’s best efforts by claiming more than half a million
children’s lives. 


     
In the new era, apartheid as formal policy is antiquated and unnecessary.
International instruments of trade and finance oversee a complex system
of multilateral trade laws and financial agreements that keep the poor
in their bantustans anyway. Its whole purpose is
to institutionalize inequity.
Why else would it be that the
US taxes a garment made by a Bangladeshi manufacturer twenty times more
than a garment made in Britain? Why else would it be that countries that
grow cocoa beans, like the Ivory Coast and Ghana, are taxed out of the
market if they try to turn it into chocolate? Why else would it be that
countries that grow 90 percent of the world’s cocoa beans produce only
5 percent of the world’s chocolate? Why else would it be that rich countries
that spend over a billion dollars a day on subsidies to farmers demand
that poor countries like India withdraw all agricultural subsidies, including
subsidized electricity? Why else would it be that after having been plundered
by colonizing regimes for more than half a century, former colonies are
steeped in debt to those same regimes and repay them some $382 billion
a year? 

    For all
these reasons, the derailing of trade agreements at Cancún was crucial
for us. Though our governments try to take the credit, we know that it
was the result of years of struggle by many millions of people in many,
many countries. What Cancún taught us is that in order to inflict
real damage and force radical change, it is vital for local resistance
movements to make international alliances. From Cancún we learned
the importance of globalizing resistance. 


    No individual
nation can stand up to the project of corporate globalization on its own.
Time and again we have seen that when it comes to the neoliberal project,
the heroes of our times are suddenly diminished. Extraordinary,
charismatic men, giants in the opposition, when they seize power and become
heads of state, are rendered powerless on the global stage. I
‘m
thinking here of President Lula of Brazil. Lula was the hero of the World
Social Forum last year. This year he’s busy implementing IMF guidelines,
reducing pension benefits and purging radicals from the Workers’ Party.
I’m thinking also of the former president of South Africa, Nelson Mandela.
Within two years of taking office in 1994, his government genuflected with
hardly a caveat to the Market God.
It instituted a massive program
of privatization and structural adjustment that has left millions of people
homeless, jobless and without water and electricity. 


    
Why does this happen? There’s little point in beating our breasts and feeling
betrayed. Lula and Mandela are, by any reckoning, magnificent men. But
the
moment they cross the floor from the opposition into government they become
hostage to a spectrum of threats–most malevolent among them the threat
of capital flight, which can destroy any government overnight.

To
imagine that a leader’s personal charisma and a c.v. of struggle will dent
the corporate cartel is to have no understanding of how capitalism works
or, for that matter, how power works.
Radical change cannot be negotiated
by governments; it can only be enforced by people. 


    
At the World Social Forum some of the best minds in the world come together
to exchange ideas about what is happening around us. These conversations
refine our vision of the kind of world we’re fighting for. It is a vital
process that must not be undermined. However, if all our energies are diverted
into this process at the cost of real political action, then the WSF, which
has played such a crucial role in the movement for global justice, runs
the risk of becoming an asset to our enemies. What we need to discuss urgently
is strategies of resistance. We need to aim at real targets, wage real
battles and inflict real damage. Gandhi’s salt march was not just political
theater. When, in a simple act of defiance, thousands of Indians marched
to the sea and made their own salt, they broke the salt tax laws. It was
a direct strike at the economic underpinning of the British Empire. It
was real. While our movement has won some important victories, we must
not allow nonviolent resistance to atrophy into ineffectual, feel-good,
political theater. It is a very precious weapon that must be constantly
honed and reimagined. It cannot be allowed to become a mere spectacle,
a photo opportunity for the media. 


    It was
wonderful
that on February 15 last year, in a spectacular display of public morality,
10 million people on five continents marched against the war on Iraq. It
was wonderful, but it was not enough. February 15 was a weekend. Nobody
had to so much as miss a day of work. Holiday protests
don’t stop wars.
George Bush knows that. The confidence with which
he disregarded overwhelming public opinion should be a lesson to us all.
Bush believes that Iraq can be occupied and colonized as Afghanistan has
been, as Tibet has been, as Chechnya is being, as East Timor once was and
Palestine still is. He thinks that all he has to do is hunker down and
wait until a crisis-driven media, having picked this crisis to the bone,
drops it and moves on.
Soon the carcass will slip off the bestseller
charts, and all of us outraged folks will lose interest. Or so he hopes. 


    
This movement of ours needs a major, global victory. It’s not good enough
to be right. Sometimes, if only in order to test our resolve, it’s important
to win something. In order to win something, we need to agree on something.
That something does not need to be an overarching preordained ideology
into which we force-fit our delightfully factious, argumentative selves.
It does not need to be an unquestioning allegiance to one or another form
of resistance to the exclusion of everything else. It could be a minimum
agenda. 

    
If all of us are indeed against imperialism and against the project of
neoliberalism, then let’s turn our gaze on Iraq. Iraq is the inevitable
culmination of both. Plenty of antiwar activists have retreated in confusion
since the capture of Saddam Hussein. Isn’t the world better off without
Saddam Hussein? they ask timidly. 


    
Let’s look this thing in the eye once and for all. To applaud the US Army’s
capture of Saddam Hussein, and therefore in retrospect justify its invasion
and occupation of Iraq, is like deifying Jack the Ripper for disemboweling
the Boston Strangler. And that after a quarter-century partnership in which
the Ripping and Strangling was a joint enterprise. It’s an in-house quarrel.
They’re business partners who fell out over a dirty deal. Jack’s the CEO. 


     
So if we are against imperialism, shall we agree that we are against the
US occupation and that we believe the United States must withdraw from
Iraq and pay reparations to the Iraqi people for the damage that the war
has inflicted? 


    
How do we begin to mount our resistance? Let’s start with something really
small. The issue is not about supporting the resistance in Iraq against
the occupation or discussing who exactly constitutes the resistance. (Are
they old killer Baathists, are they Islamic fundamentalists?) 


     
We have to become the global resistance to the occupation. 


    Our
resistance has to begin with a refusal to accept the legitimacy of the
US occupation of Iraq. It means acting to make it materially impossible
for Empire to achieve its aims. It means soldiers
should refuse to fight, reservists should refuse to serve, workers should
refuse to load ships and aircraft with weapons.
It certainly
means that in countries like India and Pakistan we must block the US government’s
plans to have Indian and Pakistani soldiers sent to Iraq to clean up after
them. 

    
I suggest we choose by some means two of the major corporations that are
profiting from the destruction of Iraq. We could then list every project
they are involved in. We could locate their offices in every city and every
country across the world. We could go after them. We could shut them down.
It’s a question of bringing our collective wisdom and experience of past
struggles to bear on a single target. It’s a question of the desire to
win. 


     
The Project for the New American Century seeks to perpetuate inequity and
establish American hegemony at any price, even if it’s apocalyptic. The
World Social Forum demands justice and survival. 


     
For these reasons, we must consider ourselves at war. 

LET THEM EAT GRASS

The
Atlantic Monthly | May 2003 

 Back To Grass 
The old way of raising cattle is now the new way˜better for the animals and better for your table

by Corby Kummer 

Beef has come to seem a hazardous
substance. If years of warnings about the dangers of saturated fat and
heart disease weren’t enough, Eric Schlosser’s book Fast Food Nation (2001)˜with
its graphic and disturbing picture of the inhumane working conditions of
meatpackers and the contamination from criminally rushed slaughtering and
processing˜made clear that it is unwise if not foolhardy to eat beef ground
by anyone but yourself. Then an article last year by Michael Pollan, in
The New York Times Magazine, told us that corn-fed beef, the presumed gold
standard for tender, luxurious steak, is far from wholesome. It isn’t very
good for the people who eat the fat-streaked meat that corn produces, and
eating corn is terrible for cattle, which are ruminants meant to chew grass.
Corn leaves their digestive tracts susceptible to E. coli and other pathogenic
bacteria. Almost all cattle raised for beef are force-fed corn (which costs
less to buy than it does to grow, thanks to federal farm subsidies), and
the resulting stress makes it necessary to keep them on high doses of antibiotics.
“Finishing” for corn-fed beef takes place on vast feedlots, where cattle
raised in many parts of the West are trucked to a miserable end. This force-feeding
provokes moral hesitations like those raised by that notorious product
of force-feeding, foie gras. At least geese are designed to eat corn.


    
Whatever the current troubles of McDonald’s and other burger purveyors,
beef remains America’s most popular meat. Many meat lovers, alarmed by
Schlosser’s book and Pollan’s article, have decided to go organic˜a choice
always to be applauded, for the benefits that chemical-free farming brings
to the environment and the health of farm workers, and a choice made easier
by the adoption last October of a national organic standard. But organic,
vexingly, will not necessarily satisfy people who care about flavor and
freshness. Once the food industry saw there was a profit to be made, “organic”
stopped being a guarantee of attention to flavor or individual care. In
the case of beef, “organic” can mean “raised in confinement and given organic
corn.” And a last-minute legislative provision passed in February, allowing
farmers to give livestock non-organic feed and still certify their meat
as “organic,” threatens to rob the term of all credibility.


    There
is an alternative: grass-fed beef. Ideally this refers to animals raised
in open pastures and fed grass and silage all their lives after weaning.
Grass feeding results in far lower levels of saturated fat and high levels
of both omega-3 fatty acids (more commonly found in fish, and thought to
help prevent heart disease) and the newest darling of the nutritional world˜CLA
(conjugated linoleic acid), polyunsaturated fat that may help prevent cancer.
These benefits, and also higher levels of antioxidants, appear in all food
from all animals that eat grass, milk and cheese as well as meat.

  

As with “organic,” though, the lure of a new market willing to pay a premium
has led to fudged definitions. Some meat producers use “grass-fed” to describe
animals that are raised in pens on industrial feed, including corn, and
finished on rations of grass in feedlots far from home. A similar confusion
still surrounds “free-range,” which can refer to animals that roam where
they please or to animals kept in barns and allowed to range in circumscribed
yards. No one regulates the use of these terms, and given how many years
it took to achieve a national definition of “organic,” it may be a long
time before anyone does. Determined beef lovers in search of true grass-fed
beef have encountered uneven availability and, occasionally, the necessity
of buying an entire side of beef at a time (which requires both a very
large freezer and the skill to cook lesser cuts). Economic inefficiency
and shipping costs lead to higher prices˜the usual tariff for more healthful,
less industrial food. 


    The search
is worth it. Grass-fed beef tastes better than corn-fed beef: meatier,
purer, far less fatty, the way we imagine beef tasted before feedlots and
farm subsidies changed ranchers and cattle. I recently visited two ranchers
and the founder of a cooperative, all of whom have taken the purist approach
to grass-fed beef. Each has managed to meet three big challenges facing
ranchers who want to avoid sending their animals to a feedlot: finding
slaughterhouses that will accept and process just a few animals at a time
and treat them humanely; supplying meat year-round, although grass is seasonal;
and selling both prime and secondary cuts. Each offers an easy way to order
true grass-fed beef, a step that should lead to a conversion experience.
To ensure satisfaction I offer a foolproof recipe for brisket˜my mother’s.


    Any
reservations I have about the ethics of eating meat recede when I visit
a farm or ranch run by someone who cares deeply about animals and how they
live.
Culling and, yes, killing a portion of a herd seems a natural
way of helping a group of animals and their habitat to thrive. This paradox
struck me when I rode last summer in the old tan Suburban of Dale Lasater,
a rancher in Matheson, Colorado, an hour or so southeast of Denver. Lasater,
a gentle, witty, contemplative man, appears briefly in Fast Food Nation
as a corrective model for the beef industry. His father, Tom, himself a
third-generation rancher, moved from Texas to Colorado in search of affordable
land, and in the 1950s took the heretical step of making his ranch a wildlife
sanctuary, refusing to kill predators and pests or, later, to use fertilizers
and herbicides. This, he hoped, would allow him to restore nutritive grasses
and water reserves to the parched, depleted land he had bought, and to
protect the ranch from developers in Denver and Colorado Springs. The Lasaters
were influenced by the ideas of Allan Savory, a guru of grasslands management,
who advocated a careful rotation of pastures to allow the natural regrowth
of grasses.


    Tom Lasater’s
unconventional methods worked. Even if his fellow ranchers couldn’t bring
themselves to copy them, let alone to install the miles of electric fence
necessary to keep animals in a land-preserving rotation, they respected
the health of his livestock, which they bought for breeding.


   Since Fast
Food Nation was published, Dale Lasater has built his mail-order meat business,
now in its sixth year, to the point where he can sell most of his animals
directly, either for breeding or as meat.
The idea of selling meat,
something his family had never done (though they had sold dairy products),
was inspired by his memories of working on a cattle ranch in Argentina
while on a Fulbright scholarship, when twice a day he ate what he remembers
as the best beef he ever tasted. Argentine beef, still thought by many
to be the world’s best, is all grass-fed in the high Pampas. Now that the
ranch was raising grass-fed cattle, he reasoned, their meat should be just
as good to eat. Lasater and his partner, Duke Phillips, a former manager
of the ranch, had to find careful slaughterhouses, and also refrigerators
where they could dry-age meat for fourteen to twenty-one days. Dry-aging,
a step that was long a luxury reserved to the wholesalers and customers
who could pay the added costs of storage and surveillance, enhances flavor
and is a necessity to tenderize grass-fed beef.


    After
we toured the miles of his ranch, where heifers and young bulls surrounded
the Suburban as if magnetically drawn, Lasater gave me cooked samples of
several cuts of meat, including the first ground beef I’d had in a long
time. It was so lean that it tasted like some other kind of meat, perhaps
game (wild animals are naturally lean and of course grass-fed, too, if
they are herbivores). But I quickly became accustomed to the more intense
flavors, and began to appreciate what I had been missing. I found that
the brisket˜a secondary cut that has more fat and lots of collagen fibers,
which turn gelatinous and tender when cooked˜had the deepest and most rounded
flavor of everything we tasted. Lasater wasn’t surprised: it’s his favorite
cut too.

    Tom Gamble
has much in common with Dale Lasater. His grandfather went into cattle
ranching in the early 1900s, near Napa, California, and one of his father’s
goals in continuing the business was to preserve the land from encroaching
urban development. When I met Gamble at his house in Napa last fall, he
described stumbling through many of the difficulties that Lasater and Phillips
faced five years ago: where to process the meat, how long to dry-age, which
cuts to offer, how to distribute. A slaughterhouse that would treat the
animals with the care Gamble wanted proved very hard to find; when we spoke,
Gamble was preparing to spend the next day trucking several steers to one
in Chico˜nearly three hours away. 


   His partner
in the meat business is Bill Davies, the scion of a highly regarded winemaking
family. Gamble compared the nascent grass-fed-beef business to the Napa
wine industry in the 1960s. “There’s no infrastructure for the little guys,”
he said. He is optimistic that the market will flourish once consumers
understand how grass feeding contributes to the environment and to flavor,
and he looks forward to changes that will help small ranchers. Mobile bottling
lines have saved small wineries from having to buy and maintain expensive,
hard-to-clean, space-hogging machinery; Gamble dreams of mobile slaughtering
facilities that will go from ranch to ranch. He himself went door to door
to the area’s nationally known restaurants, which were more accustomed
to calls from neophyte winemakers. He was proud to have created an enthusiastic
local market for secondary cuts such as skirt steak, sirloin tips, and
even fajita strips. (“Go next door,” he said of one local restaurant, “and
have an enchilada with beef in it˜it’s an incredible thing.”) Speaking
in a vocabulary familiar to his winemaking peers, Gamble described the
shift from corn-fed to grass-fed beef as being “like going from insipid
hearty burgundy to a Cab that maybe needs more age but has more complexity.”


    Ridge
Shinn, the founder of the New England Livestock Alliance, in central Massachusetts,
has big ambitions: to show New England dairy farmers who join his cooperative
that by switching from milk to meat they can survive in a steadily more
difficult economy. He scoffs at the idea that freezing winters like this
past one are an obstacle: “Deer don’t live in barns,” he says, “and cattle
have much thicker layers of fat.” While working as a farmer at Old Sturbridge
Village, in central Massachusetts, Shinn learned nineteenth-century agricultural
practices and became a believer in the superiority of New England grass
to any other grass in the country˜a superiority, he told me recently, that
ranchers visiting from elsewhere enviously confirm. As for the short grazing
season, Shinn advocates “long-cut silage,” meaning hay baled as soon as
the grass is cut rather than after it has been allowed to dry.


   Shinn found
a slaughterhouse that was willing to follow techniques recommended by Temple
Grandin, the autistic woman who has pioneered humane treatment in the country’s
livestock-handling industry. The slaughterhouse, in Stafford Springs, Connecticut,
is just two and a half hours from New York City, the country’s largest
market for top-quality meat. About a dozen farmers have agreed to follow
Shinn’s rules, which include feeding calves on mother’s milk for at least
two months and then on just grass or hay, and adopting certain other humane
raising methods. To ensure the quality of the meat on which he is betting
the cooperative’s reputation, Shinn goes from farm to farm with an ultrasound
machine that evaluates the fat and muscle structure of each animal at slaughter
weight. Big industry, he points out, grades meat after slaughter; but the
cooperative’s machine enables farmers to choose in advance only those animals
that will meet the standards of the cooperative’s Pasture Perfect brand.


   Like Lasater
and Gamble, Shinn believes that in the long run the only way to guarantee
quality is through careful breeding; his chief concentration is on finding
breeds best suited to the New England climate. So far he is a successful
competitor in the luxury market on grounds of flavor: in a recent tasting
of filets mignons, Wine Spectator rated Pasture Perfect’s best.


     
Before ordering and cooking grass-fed beef, you have to decide you’re ready
for the real taste of beef˜a taste that corn-fattening has for decades
blanketed with an unpleasantly sweet, bland, rich coating. Losing the flavor
of corn in beef is like scraping away a gooey glaze. The usual complaint
is that grass-fed beef is stringy rather than tender. This can be addressed
by careful cooking, and by buying cuts naturally higher in fat. It can
be erased by my mother’s famous brisket.

    Every
family has its treasured pot roast, of course, and mine has special significance.
At the beginning of their marriages my mother shared the recipe for it
with her best friend from high school, who had moved to northern California
from the Connecticut town where they grew up, and who liked it so much
that it became her company dish. After my mother died, my family had the
luck of continuing to enjoy it as prepared by her friend, who became my
stepmother.


    Homey
recipes like this have periodic revivals, especially in insecure times,
and they are at the heart of two appealing new books: The Way We Cook,
by Sheryl Julian and Julie Riven, full of wonderful, simple recipes based
on their northeastern upbringing and wide cooking experience, and Marian
Burros’s Cooking for Comfort, with reliable, barely reconstructed recipes
from the 1950s and 1960s and her own Connecticut Jewish childhood (shockingly,
Burros adds ketchup, brown sugar, and tomato puree to her mother’s spare
original brisket).


   For my family’s
recipe, season both sides of a medium brisket˜Lasater’s are just the right
size, three to five pounds, and well trimmed˜with salt, pepper, paprika,
and, if you truly want to revisit the sixties, Ac’cent. Heat the oven to
350°. In an uncovered heavy Dutch oven sear the meat fat side down
over medium-high heat in a film of hot olive oil. Turn it when it is quite
brown and remove as much fat as possible. Strew over the meat one or two
medium onions, chopped; two or three medium carrots, peeled and sliced;
one large tomato, skinned, seeded, and chopped; a bell pepper, peeled,
ribbed, and sliced (green for period authenticity, though I prefer red);
and a medium clove of garlic, peeled and minced. Add two cups of water
or stock (my stepmother makes fresh, unsalted chicken stock for this dish),
cover, and cook in the oven for three and a half hours. After two hours
add peeled and halved potatoes if you wish, being careful not to crowd
the pot lest they steam rather than roast. An hour later add one cup of
sliced button mushrooms (my mother used canned sliced mushrooms, drained˜a
practice my stepmother follows despite her Californian emphasis on freshness),
a quarter to a half cup of red wine, and half a teaspoon of Gravy Master.
You can omit the Ac’cent, of course, now that we know about MSG headache,
and water is fine in place of stock. But you should really add the Gravy
Master. When the pot liquor is skimmed, it makes an incomparable gravy
for a dish that will ever withstand the test of time.

Lasater brisket and other
cuts can be ordered at http://www.lasatergrasslandsbeef.com or by phone, 866-454-2333.
The site for Tom Gamble and Bill Davies’s fajita strips and fancier cuts
is http://www.napafreerangebeef.com, and the number is 707-963-6134. Information
for ordering Pasture Perfect steaks and other cuts, and also on grasslands
farming as practiced by members of the New England Livestock Alliance,
is at http://www.nelastore.com, and the number is 413-528-3767. 


 

BEEFHEART.

Party Of Special Things To Do

  when the stiff wind blows 

the flag dont wiggle

in the party of special
things to do

I met the ace of love

she took me to her plantation

for the love without separation

in the party of special
things to do


it could happen to me

it could happen to you

I met the ace of love

she said I want you to go

to the party of special
things to do

and when you’re through

Ill be right here waiting
for you


here take these sparks 

so my distant cousins can
get along with you


watch out for the mirror
man


and elixir sue

when I got to the party
of special things to do 


it wasnt hard to find Elixir
Sue


I met all the cards 

the wild cards 

the one-eye jill

the red queen

she turned her head

you know what I mean 

she turned it back and said

“I got a brand new game
I want to lay on you”


I met them all 

at the party of special
things to do

when I was done

I was far from through

I returned to the ace of
love


now wouldnt you?

I met them all

the camel wore a nightie

the camel wore a nightie

at the party of special
things to do


….elixir sue

it wasnt hard to find liquor
at the do


I met all the cards 

the wild cards 

you know what I mean 

then she turned it back
and said 


“I got a brand new game
I think I want to lay on you”


I met elixir sue

at the party of special
things to do


its so special

SICK POLICY.

01 MARCH 2004: SICK POLICY.

Gouging
the Poor


By Barbara Ehrenreich

 

The Progressive, February
2004 Issue 

There’s been a lot of whining
about health care recently: the shocking cost of insurance, the mounting
reluctance of employers to share that cost, the challenge–should you be
so lucky as to have insurance–of finding a doctor your insurance company
will deign to reimburse, and so forth. But let’s look at the glass half
full for a change. Despite the growing misfit between health care costs
and personal incomes, it is not yet illegal to be sick. 


    
Not quite yet, anyway, though the trend is clear:
Hospitals are increasingly
resorting to brass knuckle tactics to collect overdue bills from indigent
patients. Take the case of Martin Bushman, an
intermittently insured mechanic with diabetes who, as reported in The Wall
Street Journal, had run up a $579 debt to Carle Hospital in Champaign-Urbana.
When he failed to appear for a court hearing on his debt rather than miss
a day of work, he was arrested and hit with $2,500 bail. Arrests for missed
court dates, which the hospitals whimsically refer to as “body attachments,”
are on the rise throughout the country.
Again, on the half full
side, we should be thankful that the bodies attached by hospitals cannot
yet be used as sources of organs for transplants. 


    
Mindful of their status as nonprofit charitable institutions, hospitals
used to be relatively congenial creditors. My uninsured companion of several
years would simply work out a payment arrangement–on the scale of about
$25 a month for life–and go on consuming medical care without the least
concern for his freedom. No longer, and it’s not just the dodgier, second-rate
hospitals that are relying on the police as collection agents. Yale-New
Haven Hospital, for example, has obtained sixty-five arrest warrants for
delinquent debtors in the last three years. 


    

Of course, if you work for Yale-New Haven, it’s not your body that gets
“attached.” On a recent visit to Yale hospital workers, I met Tawana
Marks, a registrar at the hospital, who had the misfortune to also be admitted
as a patient. Unsurprisingly, her hospital-supplied health insurance failed
to cover her hospital-incurred bill, so Marks now
has her paycheck garnished by her own employer–a condition of debt servitude
reminiscent of early twentieth century company towns. 


    
To compound the sufferings of the sick and sub-affluent, hospitals now
routinely charge uninsured people several times more than the insured.
The
Fort Lauderdale Sun-Sentinel reports that one local hospital charged an
uninsured patient $29,000 for an appendectomy that would have cost an insured
patient $6,783. According to the Los Angeles Times, in one, albeit for-profit,
California hospital chain, the uninsured account for only 2 percent of
its patients, but 35 percent of its profits. The explanation for such shameless
gouging of the poor? Big insurance companies and HMOs are able to negotiate
“discounts” for their members, leaving the uninsured to pay whatever fanciful
amounts the hospital cares to charge, such as, in one reported case, $50
for the use of a hospital gown. 


        
Back in 1961, psychiatrist Thomas Szasz noted the “medicalization” of behavior
formerly classified as crime or sin, such as drug addiction or what was
defined as sexual deviance. Rather than seeing this as a benign and potentially
merciful trend, the crotchety Szasz complained about the growing concentration
of power in the hands of a “therapeutic state.” How quaint his concern
sounds today, when instead of the medicalization of crime, we are faced
with the criminalization of illness. 


    
Because almost everyone, no matter how initially healthy and prosperous,
is now in danger of falling into the clutches of the medical/penitentiary
system. It could start with a condition–say, high blood pressure or diabetes–serious
enough to be entered into your medical record. Next you lose your job,
and with it your health insurance–or, as in the case of 1,000 or so freelance
writers (including myself) once insured through the National Writers Union,
the insurance company simply decides it no longer wants your business.
You go to get new insurance, but no one wants you because you now have
a “pre-existing condition.” So when that condition flairs up or is joined
by a new one, you enter the hospital as a “self-pay” patient, incur bills
four times higher than an insured patient would, fall behind in paying
them, and, given the hospitals’ predatory collection tactics, wind up in
jail. 


    
Sociologists have long seen a connection between sickness and criminality,
classifying both as forms of deviance. Certainly, the relevant vocabularies
have been converging: Note the similarity between the phrases “pre-existing
condition” and “prior conviction,” as well as the use of the terms “record”
and “case.” A doctor once told me that, although he had detected a new
and potentially life-threatening condition, he would refrain from prescribing
anything to correct it, lest my record be marred by yet another pre-existing
condition. 

    
The day will come when we look back on such small acts of kindness with
nostalgia. Even as I write this, some bright young MBA at Aetna or Prudential
is no doubt coming to the conclusion that a great deal of money and valuable
medical resources could be saved through the simple expedient of arresting
people at the first sign of illness. Skip the intermediate stages of diagnostic
testing, hospitalization, and attempted debt collection, and proceed directly
to incarceration. The end result will be the same, unless you succeed in
concealing that cough or unsightly swelling from the cop on his or her
beat. 


    
I’m prepared for this eventuality, having been raised by a mother who was
in turn raised by her Christian Scientist grandparents, and had thus been
trained to greet her children’s symptoms with contempt and derision. I
was conditioned, in other words, to conflate physical illness with moral
failure. Should a rash or sore throat arrive, I stand ready, at some deep
psychic level, to serve my time. 


    
But for those of you who still imagine that illness and pain should elicit
kindly responses from one’s fellow humans, I have one last half full observation:
Our prisons do offer health care–grossly inadequate care to be sure–but
at least it’s free, even for child molesters, ax murderers, and those miscreants
who have the gall to be both sick and uninsured.