From The Atlantic Monthly | March 2002

 

“1491”

Before it became the
New World, the Western Hemisphere was vastly more populous and sophisticated
than has been thought˜an altogether more salubrious place to live at the
time than, say, Europe. New evidence of both the extent of the population
and its agricultural advancement leads to a remarkable conjecture: the
Amazon rain forest may be largely a human artifact

by Charles C. Mann

The plane took off in weather
that was surprisingly cool for north-central Bolivia and flew east, toward
the Brazilian border. In a few minutes the roads and houses disappeared,
and the only evidence of human settlement was the cattle scattered over
the savannah like jimmies on ice cream. Then they, too, disappeared. By
that time the archaeologists had their cameras out and were clicking away
in delight.

Below us was the Beni, a
Bolivian province about the size of Illinois and Indiana put together,
and nearly as flat. For almost half the year rain and snowmelt from the
mountains to the south and west cover the land with an irregular, slowly
moving skin of water that eventually ends up in the province’s northern
rivers, which are sub-subtributaries of the Amazon. The rest of the year
the water dries up and the bright-green vastness turns into something that
resembles a desert. This peculiar, remote, watery plain was what had drawn
the researchers’ attention, and not just because it was one of the few
places on earth inhabited by people who might never have seen Westerners
with cameras.

Dappled across the grasslands
below was an archipelago of forest islands, many of them startlingly round
and hundreds of acres across. Each island rose ten or thirty or sixty feet
above the floodplain, allowing trees to grow that would otherwise never
survive the water. The forests were linked by raised berms, as straight
as a rifle shot and up to three miles long. It is Erickson’s belief that
this entire landscape˜30,000 square miles of forest mounds surrounded by
raised fields and linked by causeways˜was constructed by a complex, populous
society more than 2,000 years ago. Balée, newer to the Beni, leaned
toward this view but was not yet ready to commit himself.

Erickson and Balée
belong to a cohort of scholars that has radically challenged conventional
notions of what the Western Hemisphere was like before Columbus. When I
went to high school, in the 1970s, I was taught that Indians came to the
Americas across the Bering Strait about 12,000 years ago, that they lived
for the most part in small, isolated groups, and that they had so little
impact on their environment that even after millennia of habitation it
remained mostly wilderness. My son picked up the same ideas at his schools.
One way to summarize the views of people like Erickson and Balée
would be to say that in their opinion this picture of Indian life is wrong
in almost every aspect. Indians were here far longer than previously thought,
these researchers believe, and in much greater numbers. And they were so
successful at imposing their will on the landscape that in 1492 Columbus
set foot in a hemisphere thoroughly dominated by humankind.

Given the charged relations
between white societies and native peoples, inquiry into Indian culture
and history is inevitably contentious. But the recent scholarship is especially
controversial. To begin with, some researchers˜many but not all from an
older generation˜deride the new theories as fantasies arising from an almost
willful misinterpretation of data and a perverse kind of political correctness.
“I have seen no evidence that large numbers of people ever lived in the
Beni,” says Betty J. Meggers, of the Smithsonian Institution. “Claiming
otherwise is just wishful thinking.” Similar criticisms apply to many of
the new scholarly claims about Indians, according to Dean R. Snow, an anthropologist
at Pennsylvania State University. The problem is that “you can make the
meager evidence from the ethnohistorical record tell you anything you want,”
he says. “It’s really easy to kid yourself.”

More important are the implications
of the new theories for today’s ecological battles. Much of the environmental
movement is animated, consciously or not, by what William Denevan, a geographer
at the University of Wisconsin, calls, polemically, “the pristine myth”˜the
belief that the Americas in 1491 were an almost unmarked, even Edenic land,
“untrammeled by man,” in the words of the Wilderness Act of 1964, one of
the nation’s first and most important environmental laws. As the University
of Wisconsin historian William Cronon has written, restoring this long-ago,
putatively natural state is, in the view of environmentalists, a task that
society is morally bound to undertake. Yet if the new view is correct and
the work of humankind was pervasive, where does that leave efforts to restore
nature?

The Beni is a case in point.
In addition to building up the Beni mounds for houses and gardens, Erickson
says, the Indians trapped fish in the seasonally flooded grassland. Indeed,
he says, they fashioned dense zigzagging networks of earthen fish weirs
between the causeways. To keep the habitat clear of unwanted trees and
undergrowth, they regularly set huge areas on fire. Over the centuries
the burning created an intricate ecosystem of fire-adapted plant species
dependent on native pyrophilia. The current inhabitants of the Beni still
burn, although now it is to maintain the savannah for cattle. When we flew
over the area, the dry season had just begun, but mile-long lines of flame
were already on the march. In the charred areas behind the fires were the
blackened spikes of trees˜many of them, one assumes, of the varieties that
activists fight to save in other parts of Amazonia.

After we landed, I asked
Balée, Should we let people keep burning the Beni? Or should we
let the trees invade and create a verdant tropical forest in the grasslands,
even if one had not existed here for millennia?

Balée laughed. “You’re
trying to trap me, aren’t you?” he said.

 

Like a Club Between the Eyes

According to family lore,
my great-grandmother’s great-grandmother’s great-grandfather was the first
white person hanged in America. His name was John Billington. He came on
the Mayflower, which anchored off the coast of Massachusetts on November
9, 1620. Billington was not a Puritan; within six months of arrival he
also became the first white person in America to be tried for complaining
about the police. “He is a knave,” William Bradford, the colony’s governor,
wrote of Billington, “and so will live and die.” What one historian called
Billington’s “troublesome career” ended in 1630, when he was hanged for
murder. My family has always said that he was framed˜but we would say that,
wouldn’t we?

A few years ago it occurred
to me that my ancestor and everyone else in the colony had voluntarily
enlisted in a venture that brought them to New England without food or
shelter six weeks before winter. Half the 102 people on the Mayflower made
it through to spring, which to me was amazing. How, I wondered, did they
survive?

In his history of Plymouth
Colony, Bradford provided the answer: by robbing Indian houses and graves.
The Mayflower first hove to at Cape Cod. An armed company staggered out.
Eventually it found a recently deserted Indian settlement. The newcomers˜hungry,
cold, sick˜dug up graves and ransacked houses, looking for underground
stashes of corn. “And sure it was God’s good providence that we found this
corn,” Bradford wrote, “for else we know not how we should have done.”
(He felt uneasy about the thievery, though.) When the colonists came to
Plymouth, a month later, they set up shop in another deserted Indian village.
All through the coastal forest the Indians had “died on heapes, as they
lay in their houses,” the English trader Thomas Morton noted. “And the
bones and skulls upon the severall places of their habitations made such
a spectacle” that to Morton the Massachusetts woods seemed to be “a new
found Golgotha”˜the hill of executions in Roman Jerusalem.

To the Pilgrims’ astonishment,
one of the corpses they exhumed on Cape Cod had blond hair. A French ship
had been wrecked there several years earlier. The Patuxet Indians imprisoned
a few survivors. One of them supposedly learned enough of the local language
to inform his captors that God would destroy them for their misdeeds. The
Patuxet scoffed at the threat. But the Europeans carried a disease, and
they bequeathed it to their jailers. The epidemic (probably of viral hepatitis,
according to a study by Arthur E. Spiess, an archaeologist at the Maine
Historic Preservation Commission, and Bruce D. Spiess, the director of
clinical research at the Medical College of Virginia) took years to exhaust
itself and may have killed 90 percent of the people in coastal New England.
It made a huge difference to American history. “The good hand of God favored
our beginnings,” Bradford mused, by “sweeping away great multitudes of
the natives … that he might make room for us.”

By the time my ancestor set
sail on the Mayflower, Europeans had been visiting New England for more
than a hundred years. English, French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese
mariners regularly plied the coastline, trading what they could, occasionally
kidnapping the inhabitants for slaves. New England, the Europeans saw,
was thickly settled and well defended. In 1605 and 1606 Samuel de Champlain
visited Cape Cod, hoping to establish a French base. He abandoned the idea.
Too many people already lived there. A year later Sir Ferdinando Gorges˜British
despite his name˜tried to establish an English community in southern Maine.
It had more founders than Plymouth and seems to have been better organized.
Confronted by numerous well-armed local Indians, the settlers abandoned
the project within months. The Indians at Plymouth would surely have been
an equal obstacle to my ancestor and his ramshackle expedition had disease
not intervened.

Faced with such stories,
historians have long wondered how many people lived in the Americas at
the time of contact. “Debated since Columbus attempted a partial census
on Hispaniola in 1496,” William Denevan has written, this “remains one
of the great inquiries of history.” (In 1976 Denevan assembled and edited
an entire book on the subject, The Native Population of the Americas in
1492.) The first scholarly estimate of the indigenous population was made
in 1910 by James Mooney, a distinguished ethnographer at the Smithsonian
Institution. Combing through old documents, he concluded that in 1491 North
America had 1.15 million inhabitants. Mooney’s glittering reputation ensured
that most subsequent researchers accepted his figure uncritically.

That changed in 1966, when
Henry F. Dobyns published “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An
Appraisal of Techniques With a New Hemispheric Estimate,” in the journal
Current Anthropology. Despite the carefully neutral title, his argument
was thunderous, its impact long-lasting. In the view of James Wilson, the
author of The Earth Shall Weep (1998), a history of indigenous Americans,
Dobyns’s colleagues “are still struggling to get out of the crater that
paper left in anthropology.” Not only anthropologists were affected. Dobyns’s
estimate proved to be one of the opening rounds in today’s culture wars.

Dobyns began his exploration
of pre-Columbian Indian demography in the early 1950s, when he was a graduate
student. At the invitation of a friend, he spent a few months in northern
Mexico, which is full of Spanish-era missions. There he poked through the
crumbling leather-bound ledgers in which Jesuits recorded local births
and deaths. Right away he noticed how many more deaths there were. The
Spaniards arrived, and then Indians died˜in huge numbers, at incredible
rates. It hit him, Dobyns told me recently, “like a club right between
the eyes.”

It took Dobyns eleven years
to obtain his Ph.D. Along the way he joined a rural-development project
in Peru, which until colonial times was the seat of the Incan empire. Remembering
what he had seen at the northern fringe of the Spanish conquest, Dobyns
decided to compare it with figures for the south. He burrowed into the
papers of the Lima cathedral and read apologetic Spanish histories. The
Indians in Peru, Dobyns concluded, had faced plagues from the day the conquistadors
showed up˜in fact, before then: smallpox arrived around 1525, seven years
ahead of the Spanish. Brought to Mexico apparently by a single sick Spaniard,
it swept south and eliminated more than half the population of the Incan
empire. Smallpox claimed the Incan dictator Huayna Capac and much of his
family, setting off a calamitous war of succession. So complete was the
chaos that Francisco Pizarro was able to seize an empire the size of Spain
and Italy combined with a force of 168 men.

Smallpox was only the first
epidemic. Typhus (probably) in 1546, influenza and smallpox together in
1558, smallpox again in 1589, diphtheria in 1614, measles in 1618˜all ravaged
the remains of Incan culture. Dobyns was the first social scientist to
piece together this awful picture, and he naturally rushed his findings
into print. Hardly anyone paid attention. But Dobyns was already working
on a second, related question: If all those people died, how many had been
living there to begin with? Before Columbus, Dobyns calculated, the Western
Hemisphere held ninety to 112 million people. Another way of saying this
is that in 1491 more people lived in the Americas than in Europe.

His argument was simple but
horrific. It is well known that Native Americans had no experience with
many European diseases and were therefore immunologically unprepared˜”virgin
soil,” in the metaphor of epidemiologists. What Dobyns realized was that
such diseases could have swept from the coastlines initially visited by
Europeans to inland areas controlled by Indians who had never seen a white
person. The first whites to explore many parts of the Americas may therefore
have encountered places that were already depopulated. Indeed, Dobyns argued,
they must have done so.

Peru was one example, the
Pacific Northwest another. In 1792 the British navigator George Vancouver
led the first European expedition to survey Puget Sound. He found a vast
charnel house: human remains “promiscuously scattered about the beach,
in great numbers.” Smallpox, Vancouver’s crew discovered, had preceded
them. Its few survivors, second lieutenant Peter Puget noted, were “most
terribly pitted … indeed many have lost their Eyes.” In Pox Americana,
(2001), Elizabeth Fenn, a historian at George Washington University, contends
that the disaster on the northwest coast was but a small part of a continental
pandemic that erupted near Boston in 1774 and cut down Indians from Mexico
to Alaska.

Because smallpox was not
endemic in the Americas, colonials, too, had not acquired any immunity.
The virus, an equal-opportunity killer, swept through the Continental Army
and stopped the drive into Quebec. The American Revolution would be lost,
Washington and other rebel leaders feared, if the contagion did to the
colonists what it had done to the Indians. “The small Pox! The small Pox!”
John Adams wrote to his wife, Abigail. “What shall We do with it?” In retrospect,
Fenn says, “One of George Washington’s most brilliant moves was to inoculate
the army against smallpox during the Valley Forge winter of ’78.” Without
inoculation smallpox could easily have given the United States back to
the British.

So many epidemics occurred
in the Americas, Dobyns argued, that the old data used by Mooney and his
successors represented population nadirs. From the few cases in which before-and-after
totals are known with relative certainty, Dobyns estimated that in the
first 130 years of contact about 95 percent of the people in the Americas
died˜the worst demographic calamity in recorded history.

Dobyns’s ideas were quickly
attacked as politically motivated, a push from the hate-America crowd to
inflate the toll of imperialism. The attacks continue to this day. “No
question about it, some people want those higher numbers,” says Shepard
Krech III, a Brown University anthropologist who is the author of The Ecological
Indian (1999). These people, he says, were thrilled when Dobyns revisited
the subject in a book, Their Numbers Become Thinned (1983)˜and revised
his own estimates upward. Perhaps Dobyns’s most vehement critic is David
Henige, a bibliographer of Africana at the University of Wisconsin, whose
Numbers From Nowhere (1998) is a landmark in the literature of demographic
fulmination. “Suspect in 1966, it is no less suspect nowadays,” Henige
wrote of Dobyns’s work. “If anything, it is worse.”

When Henige wrote Numbers
From Nowhere, the fight about pre-Columbian populations had already consumed
forests’ worth of trees; his bibliography is ninety pages long. And the
dispute shows no sign of abating. More and more people have jumped in.
This is partly because the subject is inherently fascinating. But more
likely the increased interest in the debate is due to the growing realization
of the high political and ecological stakes.

 

Inventing by the Millions

In May 30, 1539, Hernando
de Soto landed his private army near Tampa Bay, in Florida. Soto, as he
was called, was a novel figure: half warrior, half venture capitalist.
He had grown very rich very young by becoming a market leader in the nascent
trade for Indian slaves. The profits had helped to fund Pizarro’s seizure
of the Incan empire, which had made Soto wealthier still. Looking quite
literally for new worlds to conquer, he persuaded the Spanish Crown to
let him loose in North America. He spent one fortune to make another. He
came to Florida with 200 horses, 600 soldiers, and 300 pigs.

From today’s perspective,
it is difficult to imagine the ethical system that would justify Soto’s
actions. For four years his force, looking for gold, wandered through what
is now Florida, Georgia, North and South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama,
Mississippi, Arkansas, and Texas, wrecking almost everything it touched.
The inhabitants often fought back vigorously, but they had never before
encountered an army with horses and guns. Soto died of fever with his expedition
in ruins; along the way his men had managed to rape, torture, enslave,
and kill countless Indians. But the worst thing the Spaniards did, some
researchers say, was entirely without malice˜bring the pigs.

According to Charles Hudson,
an anthropologist at the University of Georgia who spent fifteen years
reconstructing the path of the expedition, Soto crossed the Mississippi
a few miles downstream from the present site of Memphis. It was a nervous
passage: the Spaniards were watched by several thousand Indian warriors.
Utterly without fear, Soto brushed past the Indian force into what is now
eastern Arkansas, through thickly settled land˜”very well peopled with
large towns,” one of his men later recalled, “two or three of which were
to be seen from one town.” Eventually the Spaniards approached a cluster
of small cities, each protected by earthen walls, sizeable moats, and deadeye
archers. In his usual fashion, Soto brazenly marched in, stole food, and
marched out.

After Soto left, no Europeans
visited this part of the Mississippi Valley for more than a century. Early
in 1682 whites appeared again, this time Frenchmen in canoes. One of them
was Réné-Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle. The French passed
through the area where Soto had found cities cheek by jowl. It was deserted˜La
Salle didn’t see an Indian village for 200 miles. About fifty settlements
existed in this strip of the Mississippi when Soto showed up, according
to Anne Ramenofsky, an anthropologist at the University of New Mexico.
By La Salle’s time the number had shrunk to perhaps ten, some probably
inhabited by recent immigrants. Soto “had a privileged glimpse” of an Indian
world, Hudson says. “The window opened and slammed shut. When the French
came in and the record opened up again, it was a transformed reality. A
civilization crumbled. The question is, how did this happen?”

The question is even more
complex than it may seem. Disaster of this magnitude suggests epidemic
disease. In the view of Ramenofsky and Patricia Galloway, an anthropologist
at the University of Texas, the source of the contagion was very likely
not Soto’s army but its ambulatory meat locker: his 300 pigs. Soto’s force
itself was too small to be an effective biological weapon. Sicknesses like
measles and smallpox would have burned through his 600 soldiers long before
they reached the Mississippi. But the same would not have held true for
the pigs, which multiplied rapidly and were able to transmit their diseases
to wildlife in the surrounding forest. When human beings and domesticated
animals live close together, they trade microbes with abandon. Over time
mutation spawns new diseases: avian influenza becomes human influenza,
bovine rinderpest becomes measles. Unlike Europeans, Indians did not live
in close quarters with animals˜they domesticated only the dog, the llama,
the alpaca, the guinea pig, and, here and there, the turkey and the Muscovy
duck. In some ways this is not surprising: the New World had fewer animal
candidates for taming than the Old. Moreover, few Indians carry the gene
that permits adults to digest lactose, a form of sugar abundant in milk.
Non-milk-drinkers, one imagines, would be less likely to work at domesticating
milk-giving animals. But this is guesswork. The fact is that what scientists
call zoonotic disease was little known in the Americas. Swine alone can
disseminate anthrax, brucellosis, leptospirosis, taeniasis, trichinosis,
and tuberculosis. Pigs breed exuberantly and can transmit diseases to deer
and turkeys. Only a few of Soto’s pigs would have had to wander off to
infect the forest.

Indeed, the calamity wrought
by Soto apparently extended across the whole Southeast. The Coosa city-states,
in western Georgia, and the Caddoan-speaking civilization, centered on
the Texas-Arkansas border, disintegrated soon after Soto appeared. The
Caddo had had a taste for monumental architecture: public plazas, ceremonial
platforms, mausoleums. After Soto’s army left, notes Timothy K. Perttula,
an archaeological consultant in Austin, Texas, the Caddo stopped building
community centers and began digging community cemeteries. Between Soto’s
and La Salle’s visits, Perttula believes, the Caddoan population fell from
about 200,000 to about 8,500˜a drop of nearly 96 percent. In the eighteenth
century the tally shrank further, to 1,400. An equivalent loss today in
the population of New York City would reduce it to 56,000˜not enough to
fill Yankee Stadium. “That’s one reason whites think of Indians as nomadic
hunters,” says Russell Thornton, an anthropologist at the University of
California at Los Angeles. “Everything else˜all the heavily populated urbanized
societies˜was wiped out.”

Could a few pigs truly wreak
this much destruction? Such apocalyptic scenarios invite skepticism. As
a rule, viruses, microbes, and parasites are rarely lethal on so wide a
scale˜a pest that wipes out its host species does not have a bright evolutionary
future. In its worst outbreak, from 1347 to 1351, the European Black Death
claimed only a third of its victims. (The rest survived, though they were
often disfigured or crippled by its effects.) The Indians in Soto’s path,
if Dobyns, Ramenofsky, and Perttula are correct, endured losses that were
incomprehensibly greater.

One reason is that Indians
were fresh territory for many plagues, not just one. Smallpox, typhoid,
bubonic plague, influenza, mumps, measles, whooping cough˜all rained down
on the Americas in the century after Columbus. (Cholera, malaria, and scarlet
fever came later.) Having little experience with epidemic diseases, Indians
had no knowledge of how to combat them. In contrast, Europeans were well
versed in the brutal logic of quarantine. They boarded up houses in which
plague appeared and fled to the countryside. In Indian New England, Neal
Salisbury, a historian at Smith College, wrote in Manitou and Providence
(1982), family and friends gathered with the shaman at the sufferer’s bedside
to wait out the illness˜a practice that “could only have served to spread
the disease more rapidly.”

Indigenous biochemistry may
also have played a role. The immune system constantly scans the body for
molecules that it can recognize as foreign˜molecules belonging to an invading
virus, for instance. No one’s immune system can identify all foreign presences.
Roughly speaking, an individual’s set of defensive tools is known as his
MHC type. Because many bacteria and viruses mutate easily, they usually
attack in the form of several slightly different strains. Pathogens win
when MHC types miss some of the strains and the immune system is not stimulated
to act. Most human groups contain many MHC types; a strain that slips by
one person’s defenses will be nailed by the defenses of the next. But,
according to Francis L. Black, an epidemiologist at Yale University, Indians
are characterized by unusually homogenous MHC types. One out of three South
American Indians have similar MHC types; among Africans the corresponding
figure is one in 200. The cause is a matter for Darwinian speculation,
the effects less so.

In 1966 Dobyns’s insistence
on the role of disease was a shock to his colleagues. Today the impact
of European pathogens on the New World is almost undisputed. Nonetheless,
the fight over Indian numbers continues with undiminished fervor. Estimates
of the population of North America in 1491 disagree by an order of magnitude˜from
18 million, Dobyns’s revised figure, to 1.8 million, calculated by Douglas
H. Ubelaker, an anthropologist at the Smithsonian. To some “high counters,”
as David Henige calls them, the low counters’ refusal to relinquish the
vision of an empty continent is irrational or worse. “Non-Indian ‘experts’
always want to minimize the size of aboriginal populations,” says Lenore
Stiffarm, a Native American-education specialist at the University of Saskatchewan.
The smaller the numbers of Indians, she believes, the easier it is to regard
the continent as having been up for grabs. “It’s perfectly acceptable to
move into unoccupied land,” Stiffarm says. “And land with only a few ‘savages’
is the next best thing.”

“Most of the arguments for
the very large numbers have been theoretical,” Ubelaker says in defense
of low counters. “When you try to marry the theoretical arguments to the
data that are available on individual groups in different regions, it’s
hard to find support for those numbers.” Archaeologists, he says, keep
searching for the settlements in which those millions of people supposedly
lived, with little success. “As more and more excavation is done, one would
expect to see more evidence for dense populations than has thus far emerged.”
Dean Snow, the Pennsylvania State anthropologist, examined Colonial-era
Mohawk Iroquois sites and found “no support for the notion that ubiquitous
pandemics swept the region.” In his view, asserting that the continent
was filled with people who left no trace is like looking at an empty bank
account and claiming that it must once have held millions of dollars.

The low counters are also
troubled by the Dobynsian procedure for recovering original population
numbers: applying an assumed death rate, usually 95 percent, to the observed
population nadir. Ubelaker believes that the lowest point for Indians in
North America was around 1900, when their numbers fell to about half a
million. Assuming a 95 percent death rate, the pre-contact population would
have been 10 million. Go up one percent, to a 96 percent death rate, and
the figure jumps to 12.5 million˜arithmetically creating more than two
million people from a tiny increase in mortality rates. At 98 percent the
number bounds to 25 million. Minute changes in baseline assumptions produce
wildly different results.

“It’s an absolutely unanswerable
question on which tens of thousands of words have been spent to no purpose,”
Henige says. In 1976 he sat in on a seminar by William Denevan, the Wisconsin
geographer. An “epiphanic moment” occurred when he read shortly afterward
that scholars had “uncovered” the existence of eight million people in
Hispaniola. Can you just invent millions of people? he wondered. “We can
make of the historical record that there was depopulation and movement
of people from internecine warfare and diseases,” he says. “But as for
how much, who knows? When we start putting numbers to something like that˜applying
large figures like ninety-five percent˜we’re saying things we shouldn’t
say. The number implies a level of knowledge that’s impossible.”

Nonetheless, one must try˜or
so Denevan believes. In his estimation the high counters (though not the
highest counters) seem to be winning the argument, at least for now. No
definitive data exist, he says, but the majority of the extant evidentiary
scraps support their side. Even Henige is no low counter. When I asked
him what he thought the population of the Americas was before Columbus,
he insisted that any answer would be speculation and made me promise not
to print what he was going to say next. Then he named a figure that forty
years ago would have caused a commotion.

To Elizabeth Fenn, the smallpox
historian, the squabble over numbers obscures a central fact. Whether one
million or 10 million or 100 million died, she believes, the pall of sorrow
that engulfed the hemisphere was immeasurable. Languages, prayers, hopes,
habits, and dreams˜entire ways of life hissed away like steam. The Spanish
and the Portuguese lacked the germ theory of disease and could not explain
what was happening (let alone stop it). Nor can we explain it; the ruin
was too long ago and too all-encompassing. In the long run, Fenn says,
the consequential finding is not that many people died but that many people
once lived. The Americas were filled with a stunningly diverse assortment
of peoples who had knocked about the continents for millennia. “You have
to wonder,” Fenn says. “What were all those people up to in all that time?”

 

Buffalo Farm

In 1810 Henry Brackenridge
came to Cahokia, in what is now southwest Illinois, just across the Mississippi
from St. Louis. Born close to the frontier, Brackenridge was a budding
adventure writer; his Views of Louisiana, published three years later,
was a kind of nineteenth-century Into Thin Air, with terrific adventure
but without tragedy. Brackenridge had an eye for archaeology, and he had
heard that Cahokia was worth a visit. When he got there, trudging along
the desolate Cahokia River, he was “struck with a degree of astonishment.”
Rising from the muddy bottomland was a “stupendous pile of earth,” vaster
than the Great Pyramid at Giza. Around it were more than a hundred smaller
mounds, covering an area of five square miles. At the time, the area was
almost uninhabited. One can only imagine what passed through Brackenridge’s
mind as he walked alone to the ruins of the biggest Indian city north of
the Rio Grande.

To Brackenridge, it seemed
clear that Cahokia and the many other ruins in the Midwest had been constructed
by Indians. It was not so clear to everyone else. Nineteenth-century writers
attributed them to, among others, the Vikings, the Chinese, the “Hindoos,”
the ancient Greeks, the ancient Egyptians, lost tribes of Israelites, and
even straying bands of Welsh. (This last claim was surprisingly widespread;
when Lewis and Clark surveyed the Missouri, Jefferson told them to keep
an eye out for errant bands of Welsh-speaking white Indians.) The historian
George Bancroft, dean of his profession, was a dissenter: the earthworks,
he wrote in 1840, were purely natural formations.

Bancroft changed his mind
about Cahokia, but not about Indians. To the end of his days he regarded
them as “feeble barbarians, destitute of commerce and of political connection.”
His characterization lasted, largely unchanged, for more than a century.
Samuel Eliot Morison, the winner of two Pulitzer Prizes, closed his monumental
European Discovery of America (1974) with the observation that Native Americans
expected only “short and brutish lives, void of hope for any future.” As
late as 1987 American History: A Survey, a standard high school textbook
by three well-known historians, described the Americas before Columbus
as “empty of mankind and its works.” The story of Europeans in the New
World, the book explained, “is the story of the creation of a civilization
where none existed.”

Alfred Crosby, a historian
at the University of Texas, came to other conclusions. Crosby’s The Columbian
Exchange: Biological Consequences of 1492 caused almost as much of a stir
when it was published, in 1972, as Henry Dobyns’s calculation of Indian
numbers six years earlier, though in different circles. Crosby was a standard
names-and-battles historian who became frustrated by the random contingency
of political events. “Some trivial thing happens and you have this guy
winning the presidency instead of that guy,” he says. He decided to go
deeper. After he finished his manuscript, it sat on his shelf˜he couldn’t
find a publisher willing to be associated with his new ideas. It took him
three years to persuade a small editorial house to put it out. The Columbian
Exchange has been in print ever since; a companion, Ecological Imperialism:
The Biological Expansion of Europe, 900-1900, appeared in 1986.

Human history, in Crosby’s
interpretation, is marked by two world-altering centers of invention: the
Middle East and central Mexico, where Indian groups independently created
nearly all of the Neolithic innovations, writing included. The Neolithic
Revolution began in the Middle East about 10,000 years ago. In the next
few millennia humankind invented the wheel, the metal tool, and agriculture.
The Sumerians eventually put these inventions together, added writing,
and became the world’s first civilization. Afterward Sumeria’s heirs in
Europe and Asia frantically copied one another’s happiest discoveries;
innovations ricocheted from one corner of Eurasia to another, stimulating
technological progress. Native Americans, who had crossed to Alaska before
Sumeria, missed out on the bounty. “They had to do everything on their
own,” Crosby says. Remarkably, they succeeded.

When Columbus appeared in
the Caribbean, the descendants of the world’s two Neolithic civilizations
collided, with overwhelming consequences for both. American Neolithic development
occurred later than that of the Middle East, possibly because the Indians
needed more time to build up the requisite population density. Without
beasts of burden they could not capitalize on the wheel (for individual
workers on uneven terrain skids are nearly as effective as carts for hauling),
and they never developed steel. But in agriculture they handily outstripped
the children of Sumeria. Every tomato in Italy, every potato in Ireland,
and every hot pepper in Thailand came from this hemisphere. Worldwide,
more than half the crops grown today were initially developed in the Americas.

Maize, as corn is called
in the rest of the world, was a triumph with global implications. Indians
developed an extraordinary number of maize varieties for different growing
conditions, which meant that the crop could and did spread throughout the
planet. Central and Southern Europeans became particularly dependent on
it; maize was the staple of Serbia, Romania, and Moldavia by the nineteenth
century. Indian crops dramatically reduced hunger, Crosby says, which led
to an Old World population boom.

Along with peanuts and manioc,
maize came to Africa and transformed agriculture there, too. “The probability
is that the population of Africa was greatly increased because of maize
and other American Indian crops,” Crosby says. “Those extra people helped
make the slave trade possible.” Maize conquered Africa at the time when
introduced diseases were leveling Indian societies. The Spanish, the Portuguese,
and the British were alarmed by the death rate among Indians, because they
wanted to exploit them as workers. Faced with a labor shortage, the Europeans
turned their eyes to Africa. The continent’s quarrelsome societies helped
slave traders to siphon off millions of people. The maize-fed population
boom, Crosby believes, let the awful trade continue without pumping the
well dry.

Back home in the Americas,
Indian agriculture long sustained some of the world’s largest cities. The
Aztec capital of Tenochtitlán dazzled Hernán Cortés
in 1519; it was bigger than Paris, Europe’s greatest metropolis. The Spaniards
gawped like hayseeds at the wide streets, ornately carved buildings, and
markets bright with goods from hundreds of miles away. They had never before
seen a city with botanical gardens, for the excellent reason that none
existed in Europe. The same novelty attended the force of a thousand men
that kept the crowded streets immaculate. (Streets that weren’t ankle-deep
in sewage! The conquistadors had never heard of such a thing.) Central
America was not the only locus of prosperity. Thousands of miles north,
John Smith, of Pocahontas fame, visited Massachusetts in 1614, before it
was emptied by disease, and declared that the land was “so planted with
Gardens and Corne fields, and so well inhabited with a goodly, strong and
well proportioned people … [that] I would rather live here than any where.”

Smith was promoting colonization,
and so had reason to exaggerate. But he also knew the hunger, sickness,
and oppression of European life. France˜”by any standards a privileged
country,” according to its great historian, Fernand Braudel˜experienced
seven nationwide famines in the fifteenth century and thirteen in the sixteenth.
Disease was hunger’s constant companion. During epidemics in London the
dead were heaped onto carts “like common dung” (the simile is Daniel Defoe’s)
and trundled through the streets. The infant death rate in London orphanages,
according to one contemporary source, was 88 percent. Governments were
harsh, the rule of law arbitrary. The gibbets poking up in the background
of so many old paintings were, Braudel observed, “merely a realistic detail.”

The Earth Shall Weep, James
Wilson’s history of Indian America, puts the comparison bluntly: “the western
hemisphere was larger, richer, and more populous than Europe.” Much of
it was freer, too. Europeans, accustomed to the serfdom that thrived from
Naples to the Baltic Sea, were puzzled and alarmed by the democratic spirit
and respect for human rights in many Indian societies, especially those
in North America. In theory, the sachems of New England Indian groups were
absolute monarchs. In practice, the colonial leader Roger Williams wrote,
“they will not conclude of ought … unto which the people are averse.”

Pre-1492 America wasn’t a
disease-free paradise, Dobyns says, although in his “exuberance as a writer,”
he told me recently, he once made that claim. Indians had ailments of their
own, notably parasites, tuberculosis, and anemia. The daily grind was wearing;
life-spans in America were only as long as or a little longer than those
in Europe, if the evidence of indigenous graveyards is to be believed.
Nor was it a political utopia˜the Inca, for instance, invented refinements
to totalitarian rule that would have intrigued Stalin. Inveterate practitioners
of what the historian Francis Jennings described as “state terrorism practiced
horrifically on a huge scale,” the Inca ruled so cruelly that one can speculate
that their surviving subjects might actually have been better off under
Spanish rule.

I asked seven anthropologists,
archaeologists, and historians if they would rather have been a typical
Indian or a typical European in 1491. None was delighted by the question,
because it required judging the past by the standards of today˜a fallacy
disparaged as “presentism” by social scientists. But every one chose to
be an Indian. Some early colonists gave the same answer. Horrifying the
leaders of Jamestown and Plymouth, scores of English ran off to live with
the Indians. My ancestor shared their desire, which is what led to the
trumped-up murder charges against him˜or that’s what my grandfather told
me, anyway.

As for the Indians, evidence
suggests that they often viewed Europeans with disdain. The Hurons, a chagrined
missionary reported, thought the French possessed “little intelligence
in comparison to themselves.” Europeans, Indians said, were physically
weak, sexually untrustworthy, atrociously ugly, and just plain dirty. (Spaniards,
who seldom if ever bathed, were amazed by the Aztec desire for personal
cleanliness.) A Jesuit reported that the “Savages” were disgusted by handkerchiefs:
“They say, we place what is unclean in a fine white piece of linen, and
put it away in our pockets as something very precious, while they throw
it upon the ground.” The Micmac scoffed at the notion of French superiority.
If Christian civilization was so wonderful, why were its inhabitants leaving?

Like people everywhere, Indians
survived by cleverly exploiting their environment. Europeans tended to
manage land by breaking it into fragments for farmers and herders. Indians
often worked on such a grand scale that the scope of their ambition can
be hard to grasp. They created small plots, as Europeans did (about 1.5
million acres of terraces still exist in the Peruvian Andes), but they
also reshaped entire landscapes to suit their purposes. A principal tool
was fire, used to keep down underbrush and create the open, grassy conditions
favorable for game. Rather than domesticating animals for meat, Indians
retooled whole ecosystems to grow bumper crops of elk, deer, and bison.
The first white settlers in Ohio found forests as open as English parks˜they
could drive carriages through the woods. Along the Hudson River the annual
fall burning lit up the banks for miles on end; so flashy was the show
that the Dutch in New Amsterdam boated upriver to goggle at the blaze like
children at fireworks. In North America, Indian torches had their biggest
impact on the Midwestern prairie, much or most of which was created and
maintained by fire. Millennia of exuberant burning shaped the plains into
vast buffalo farms. When Indian societies disintegrated, forest invaded
savannah in Wisconsin, Illinois, Kansas, Nebraska, and the Texas Hill Country.
Is it possible that the Indians changed the Americas more than the invading
Europeans did? “The answer is probably yes for most regions for the next
250 years or so” after Columbus, William Denevan wrote, “and for some regions
right up to the present time.”

When scholars first began
increasing their estimates of the ecological impact of Indian civilization,
they met with considerable resistance from anthropologists and archaeologists.
Over time the consensus in the human sciences changed. Under Denevan’s
direction, Oxford University Press has just issued the third volume of
a huge catalogue of the “cultivated landscapes” of the Americas. This sort
of phrase still provokes vehement objection˜but the main dissenters are
now ecologists and environmentalists. The disagreement is encapsulated
by Amazonia, which has become the emblem of vanishing wilderness˜an admonitory
image of untouched Nature. Yet recently a growing number of researchers
have come to believe that Indian societies had an enormous environmental
impact on the jungle. Indeed, some anthropologists have called the Amazon
forest itself a cultural artifact˜that is, an artificial object.

 

Green Prisons

Northern visitors’ first
reaction to the storied Amazon rain forest is often disappointment. Ecotourist
brochures evoke the immensity of Amazonia but rarely dwell on its extreme
flatness. In the river’s first 2,900 miles the vertical drop is only 500
feet. The river oozes like a huge runnel of dirty metal through a landscape
utterly devoid of the romantic crags, arroyos, and heights that signify
wildness and natural spectacle to most North Americans. Even the animals
are invisible, although sometimes one can hear the bellow of monkey choruses.
To the untutored eye˜mine, for instance˜the forest seems to stretch out
in a monstrous green tangle as flat and incomprehensible as a printed circuit
board.

The area east of the lower-Amazon
town of Santarém is an exception. A series of sandstone ridges several
hundred feet high reach down from the north, halting almost at the water’s
edge. Their tops stand drunkenly above the jungle like old tombstones.
Many of the caves in the buttes are splattered with ancient petroglyphs˜renditions
of hands, stars, frogs, and human figures, all reminiscent of Miró,
in overlapping red and yellow and brown. In recent years one of these caves,
La Caverna da Pedra Pintada (Painted Rock Cave), has drawn attention in
archaeological circles.

Wide and shallow and well
lit, Painted Rock Cave is less thronged with bats than some of the other
caves. The arched entrance is twenty feet high and lined with rock paintings.
Out front is a sunny natural patio suitable for picnicking, edged by a
few big rocks. People lived in this cave more than 11,000 years ago. They
had no agriculture yet, and instead ate fish and fruit and built fires.
During a recent visit I ate a sandwich atop a particularly inviting rock
and looked over the forest below. The first Amazonians, I thought, must
have done more or less the same thing.

In college I took an introductory
anthropology class in which I read Amazonia: Man and Culture in a Counterfeit
Paradise (1971), perhaps the most influential book ever written about the
Amazon, and one that deeply impressed me at the time. Written by Betty
J. Meggers, the Smithsonian archaeologist, Amazonia says that the apparent
lushness of the rain forest is a sham. The soils are poor and can’t hold
nutrients˜the jungle flora exists only because it snatches up everything
worthwhile before it leaches away in the rain. Agriculture, which depends
on extracting the wealth of the soil, therefore faces inherent ecological
limitations in the wet desert of Amazonia.

As a result, Meggers argued,
Indian villages were forced to remain small˜any report of “more than a
few hundred” people in permanent settlements, she told me recently, “makes
my alarm bells go off.” Bigger, more complex societies would inevitably
overtax the forest soils, laying waste to their own foundations. Beginning
in 1948 Meggers and her late husband, Clifford Evans, excavated a chiefdom
on Marajó, an island twice the size of New Jersey that sits like
a gigantic stopper in the mouth of the Amazon. The Marajóara, they
concluded, were failed offshoots of a sophisticated culture in the Andes.
Transplanted to the lush trap of the Amazon, the culture choked and died.

Green activists saw the implication:
development in tropical forests destroys both the forests and their developers.
Meggers’s account had enormous public impact˜Amazonia is one of the wellsprings
of the campaign to save rain forests.

Then Anna C. Roosevelt, the
curator of archaeology at Chicago’s Field Museum of Natural History, re-excavated
Marajó. Her complete report, Moundbuilders of the Amazon (1991),
was like the anti-matter version of Amazonia. Marajó, she argued,
was “one of the outstanding indigenous cultural achievements of the New
World,” a powerhouse that lasted for more than a thousand years, had “possibly
well over 100,000″ inhabitants, and covered thousands of square miles.
Rather than damaging the forest, Marajó’s “earth construction” and
“large, dense populations” had improved it: the most luxuriant and diverse
growth was on the mounds formerly occupied by the Marajóara. “If
you listened to Meggers’s theory, these places should have been ruined,”
Roosevelt says.

Meggers scoffed at Roosevelt’s
“extravagant claims,” “polemical tone,” and “defamatory remarks.” Roosevelt,
Meggers argued, had committed the beginner’s error of mistaking a site
that had been occupied many times by small, unstable groups for a single,
long-lasting society. “[Archaeological remains] build up on areas of half
a kilometer or so,” she told me, “because [shifting Indian groups] don’t
land exactly on the same spot. The decorated types of pottery don’t change
much over time, so you can pick up a bunch of chips and say, ‘Oh, look,
it was all one big site!’ Unless you know what you’re doing, of course.”
Centuries after the conquistadors, “the myth of El Dorado is being revived
by archaeologists,” Meggers wrote last fall in the journal Latin American
Antiquity, referring to the persistent Spanish delusion that cities of
gold existed in the jungle.

The dispute grew bitter and
personal; inevitable in a contemporary academic context, it has featured
vituperative references to colonialism, elitism, and employment by the
CIA. Meanwhile, Roosevelt’s team investigated Painted Rock Cave. On the
floor of the cave what looked to me like nothing in particular turned out
to be an ancient midden: a refuse heap. The archaeologists slowly scraped
away sediment, traveling backward in time with every inch. When the traces
of human occupation vanished, they kept digging. (“You always go a meter
past sterile,” Roosevelt says.) A few inches below they struck the charcoal-rich
dirt that signifies human habitation˜a culture, Roosevelt said later, that
wasn’t supposed to be there.

For many millennia the cave’s
inhabitants hunted and gathered for food. But by about 4,000 years ago
they were growing crops˜perhaps as many as 140 of them, according to Charles
R. Clement, an anthropological botanist at the Brazilian National Institute
for Amazonian Research. Unlike Europeans, who planted mainly annual crops,
the Indians, he says, centered their agriculture on the Amazon’s unbelievably
diverse assortment of trees: fruits, nuts, and palms. “It’s tremendously
difficult to clear fields with stone tools,” Clement says. “If you can
plant trees, you get twenty years of productivity out of your work instead
of two or three.”

Planting their orchards,
the first Amazonians transformed large swaths of the river basin into something
more pleasing to human beings. In a widely cited article from 1989, William
Balée, the Tulane anthropologist, cautiously estimated that about
12 percent of the nonflooded Amazon forest was of anthropogenic origin˜directly
or indirectly created by human beings. In some circles this is now seen
as a conservative position. “I basically think it’s all human-created,”
Clement told me in Brazil. He argues that Indians changed the assortment
and density of species throughout the region. So does Clark Erickson, the
University of Pennsylvania archaeologist, who told me in Bolivia that the
lowland tropical forests of South America are among the finest works of
art on the planet. “Some of my colleagues would say that’s pretty radical,”
he said, smiling mischievously. According to Peter Stahl, an anthropologist
at the State University of New York at Binghamton, “lots” of botanists
believe that “what the eco-imagery would like to picture as a pristine,
untouched Urwelt [primeval world] in fact has been managed by people for
millennia.” The phrase “built environment,” Erickson says, “applies to
most, if not all, Neotropical landscapes.”

“Landscape” in this case
is meant exactly˜Amazonian Indians literally created the ground beneath
their feet. According to William I. Woods, a soil geographer at Southern
Illinois University, ecologists’ claims about terrible Amazonian land were
based on very little data. In the late 1990s Woods and others began careful
measurements in the lower Amazon. They indeed found lots of inhospitable
terrain. But they also discovered swaths of terra preta˜rich, fertile “black
earth” that anthropologists increasingly believe was created by human beings.

Terra preta, Woods guesses,
covers at least 10 percent of Amazonia, an area the size of France. It
has amazing properties, he says. Tropical rain doesn’t leach nutrients
from terra preta fields; instead the soil, so to speak, fights back. Not
far from Painted Rock Cave is a 300-acre area with a two-foot layer of
terra preta quarried by locals for potting soil. The bottom third of the
layer is never removed, workers there explain, because over time it will
re-create the original soil layer in its initial thickness. The reason,
scientists suspect, is that terra preta is generated by a special suite
of microorganisms that resists depletion. “Apparently,” Woods and the Wisconsin
geographer Joseph M. McCann argued in a presentation last summer, “at some
threshold level … dark earth attains the capacity to perpetuate˜even
regenerate itself˜thus behaving more like a living ‘super’-organism than
an inert material.”

In as yet unpublished research
the archaeologists Eduardo Neves, of the University of São Paulo;
Michael Heckenberger, of the University of Florida; and their colleagues
examined terra preta in the upper Xingu, a huge southern tributary of the
Amazon. Not all Xingu cultures left behind this living earth, they discovered.
But the ones that did generated it rapidly˜suggesting to Woods that terra
preta was created deliberately. In a process reminiscent of dropping microorganism-rich
starter into plain dough to create sourdough bread, Amazonian peoples,
he believes, inoculated bad soil with a transforming bacterial charge.
Not every group of Indians there did this, but quite a few did, and over
an extended period of time.

When Woods told me this,
I was so amazed that I almost dropped the phone. I ceased to be articulate
for a moment and said things like “wow” and “gosh.” Woods chuckled at my
reaction, probably because he understood what was passing through my mind.
Faced with an ecological problem, I was thinking, the Indians fixed it.
They were in the process of terraforming the Amazon when Columbus showed
up and ruined everything.

Scientists should study the
microorganisms in terra preta, Woods told me, to find out how they work.
If that could be learned, maybe some version of Amazonian dark earth could
be used to improve the vast expanses of bad soil that cripple agriculture
in Africa˜a final gift from the people who brought us tomatoes, corn, and
the immense grasslands of the Great Plains.

“Betty Meggers would just
die if she heard me saying this,” Woods told me. “Deep down her fear is
that this data will be misused.” Indeed, Meggers’s recent Latin American
Antiquity article charged that archaeologists who say the Amazon can support
agriculture are effectively telling “developers [that they] are entitled
to operate without restraint.” Resuscitating the myth of El Dorado, in
her view, “makes us accomplices in the accelerating pace of environmental
degradation.” Doubtless there is something to this˜although, as some of
her critics responded in the same issue of the journal, it is difficult
to imagine greedy plutocrats “perusing the pages of Latin American Antiquity
before deciding to rev up the chain saws.” But the new picture doesn’t
automatically legitimize paving the forest. Instead it suggests that for
a long time big chunks of Amazonia were used nondestructively by clever
people
who knew tricks we have yet to learn.

I visited Painted Rock Cave
during the river’s annual flood, when it wells up over its banks and creeps
inland for miles. Farmers in the floodplain build houses and barns on stilts
and watch pink dolphins sport from their doorsteps. Ecotourists take shortcuts
by driving motorboats through the drowned forest. Guys in dories chase
after them, trying to sell sacks of incredibly good fruit.

All of this is described
as “wilderness” in the tourist brochures. It’s not, if researchers like
Roosevelt are correct. Indeed, they believe that fewer people may be living
there now than in 1491. Yet when my boat glided into the trees, the forest
shut out the sky like the closing of an umbrella. Within a few hundred
yards the human presence seemed to vanish. I felt alone and small, but
in a way that was curiously like feeling exalted. If that place was not
wilderness, how should I think of it? Since the fate of the forest is in
our hands, what should be our goal for its future?

 

Novel Shores

Fernando de Soto’s expedition
stomped through the Southeast for four years and apparently never saw bison.
More than a century later, when French explorers came down the Mississippi,
they saw “a solitude unrelieved by the faintest trace of man,” the nineteenth-century
historian Francis Parkman wrote. Instead the French encountered bison,
“grazing in herds on the great prairies which then bordered the river.”

To Charles Kay, the reason
for the buffalo’s sudden emergence is obvious. Kay is a wildlife ecologist
in the political-science department at Utah State University. In ecological
terms, he says, the Indians were the “keystone species” of American ecosystems.
A keystone species, according to the Harvard biologist Edward O. Wilson,
is a species “that affects the survival and abundance of many other species.”
Keystone species have a disproportionate impact on their ecosystems. Removing
them, Wilson adds, “results in a relatively significant shift in the composition
of the [ecological] community.”

When disease swept Indians
from the land, Kay says, what happened was exactly that. The ecological
ancien régime collapsed, and strange new phenomena emerged. In a
way this is unsurprising; for better or worse, humankind is a keystone
species everywhere. Among these phenomena was a population explosion in
the species that the Indians had kept down by hunting. After disease killed
off the Indians, Kay believes, buffalo vastly extended their range. Their
numbers more than sextupled. The same occurred with elk and mule deer.
“If the elk were here in great numbers all this time, the archaeological
sites should be chock-full of elk bones,” Kay says. “But the archaeologists
will tell you the elk weren’t there.” On the evidence of middens the number
of elk jumped about 500 years ago.

Passenger pigeons may be
another example. The epitome of natural American abundance, they flew in
such great masses that the first colonists were stupefied by the sight.
As a boy, the explorer Henry Brackenridge saw flocks “ten miles in width,
by one hundred and twenty in length.” For hours the birds darkened the
sky from horizon to horizon. According to Thomas Neumann, a consulting
archaeologist in Lilburn, Georgia, passenger pigeons “were incredibly dumb
and always roosted in vast hordes, so they were very easy to harvest.”
Because they were readily caught and good to eat, Neumann says, archaeological
digs should find many pigeon bones in the pre-Columbian strata of Indian
middens. But they aren’t there. The mobs of birds in the history books,
he says, were “outbreak populations˜always a symptom of an extraordinarily
disrupted ecological system.”

Throughout eastern North
America the open landscape seen by the first Europeans quickly filled in
with forest. According to William Cronon, of the University of Wisconsin,
later colonists began complaining about how hard it was to get around.
(Eventually, of course, they stripped New England almost bare of trees.)
When Europeans moved west, they were preceded by two waves: one of disease,
the other of ecological disturbance. The former crested with fearsome rapidity;
the latter sometimes took more than a century to quiet down. Far from destroying
pristine wilderness, European settlers bloodily created it. By 1800 the
hemisphere was chockablock with new wilderness. If “forest primeval” means
a woodland unsullied by the human presence, William Denevan has written,
there was much more of it in the late eighteenth century than in the early
sixteenth.

Cronon’s Changes in the Land:
Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (1983) belongs on the
same shelf as works by Crosby and Dobyns. But it was not until one of his
articles was excerpted in The New York Times in 1995 that people outside
the social sciences began to understand the implications of this view of
Indian history. Environmentalists and ecologists vigorously attacked the
anti-wilderness scenario, which they described as infected by postmodern
philosophy. A small academic brouhaha ensued, complete with hundreds of
footnotes. It precipitated Reinventing Nature? (1995), one of the few academic
critiques of postmodernist philosophy written largely by biologists. The
Great New Wilderness Debate (1998), another lengthy book on the subject,
was edited by two philosophers who earnestly identified themselves as “Euro-American
men [whose] cultural legacy is patriarchal Western civilization in its
current postcolonial, globally hegemonic form.”

It is easy to tweak academics
for opaque, self-protective language like this. Nonetheless, their concerns
were quite justified. Crediting Indians with the role of keystone species
has implications for the way the current Euro-American members of that
keystone species manage the forests, watersheds, and endangered species
of America. Because a third of the United States is owned by the federal
government, the issue inevitably has political ramifications. In Amazonia,
fabled storehouse of biodiversity, the stakes are global.

Guided by the pristine myth,
mainstream environmentalists want to preserve as much of the world’s land
as possible in a putatively intact state. But “intact,” if the new research
is correct, means “run by human beings for human purposes.” Environmentalists
dislike this, because it seems to mean that anything goes. In a sense they
are correct. Native Americans managed the continent as they saw fit. Modern
nations must do the same. If they want to return as much of the landscape
as possible to its 1491 state, they will have to find it within themselves
to create the world’s largest garden.