From 11 August 2002 New York Times Sunday Magazine:
The Odds of That
By LISA BELKIN
When the Miami Police first found Benito Que, he was slumped on a desolate side street, near the empty spot where he had habitually parked his Ford Explorer. At about the same time, Don C. Wiley mysteriously disappeared. His car, a white rented Mitsubishi Galant, was abandoned on a bridge outside of Memphis, where he had just had a jovial dinner with friends. The following week, Vladimir Pasechnik collapsed in London, apparently of a stroke.
The list would grow to nearly a dozen in the space of four nerve-jangling months. Stabbed in Leesburg, Va. Suffocated in an air-locked lab in Geelong, Australia. Found wedged under a chair, naked from the waist down, in a blood-splattered apartment in Norwich, England. Hit by a car while jogging. Killed in a private plane crash. Shot dead while a pizza delivery man served as a decoy. What joined these men was
their proximity to the world of bioterror and germ warfare. Que, the one who was car-jacked, was a researcher at the University of Miami School of Medicine. Wiley, the most famous, knew as much as anyone about how the immune system responds to attacks from viruses like Ebola. Pasechnik was
Russian, and before he defected, he helped the Soviets transform cruise missiles
into biological weapons.
The chain of deaths — these three men and eight others like them — began last fall, back when emergency teams in moonsuits were scouring the Capitol, when postal workers were dying, when news agencies were on high alert and the entire nation was afraid to open its mail.
In more ordinary times, this cluster of deaths might not have been noticed, but these are not ordinary times. Neighbors report neighbors to the F.B.I.; passengers are escorted off planes because they make other passengers nervous; medical journals debate what to publish, for fear the articles will be read by
evil eyes. Now we are spooked and startled by stories like these — all these scientists dying within
months of one another, at the precise moment when tiny organisms loom as a gargantuan threat. The stories of these dozen or so deaths started out as a curiosity and were transformed rumor by rumor into the specter of conspiracy as they circulated first on the Internet and then in the mainstream media. What are the odds, after all?
What are the odds, indeed?
For this is not about conspiracy but about coincidence — unexpected connections
that are both riveting and
rattling. Much religious faith is based on the idea
that almost nothing is coincidence;
science is an exercise in eliminating the
taint of coincidence; police
work is often a feint and parry between those
trying to prove coincidence
and those trying to prove complicity. Without
coincidence, there would
be few movies worth watching (”Of all the gin joints
in all the towns in all
the world, she walks into mine”), and literary plots
would come grinding to a
disappointing halt. (What if Oedipus had not happened
to marry his mother? If
Javert had not happened to arrive in the town where
Valjean was mayor?)
The true meaning of the word
is ”a surprising concurrence of events, perceived
as meaningfully related,
with no apparent causal connection.” In other words,
pure happenstance. Yet by
merely noticing a coincidence, we elevate it to
something that transcends
its definition as pure chance. We are discomforted by
the idea of a random universe.
Like Mel Gibson’s character Graham Hess in M.
Night Shyamalan’s new movie
”Signs,” we want to feel that our lives are
governed by a grand plan.
The need is especially strong
in an age when paranoia runs rampant.
”Coincidence feels like
a loss of control perhaps,” says John Allen Paulos, a
professor of mathematics
at Temple University and the author of ”Innumeracy,”
the improbable best seller
about how Americans don’t understand numbers. Finding
a reason or a pattern where
none actually exists ”makes it less frightening,”
he says, because events
get placed in the realm of the logical. ”Believing in
fate, or even conspiracy,
can sometimes be more comforting than facing the fact
that sometimes things just
happen.”
In the past year there has
been plenty of conspiracy, of course, but also a lot
of things have ”just happened.”
And while our leaders are out there warning us
to be vigilant, the statisticians
are out there warning that patterns are not
always what they seem. We
need to be reminded, Paulos and others say, that most
of the time patterns that
seem stunning to us aren’t even there. For instance,
although the numbers 9/11
(9 plus 1 plus 1) equal 11, and American Airlines
Flight 11 was the first
to hit the twin towers, and there were 92 people on
board (9 plus 2), and Sept.
11 is the 254th day of the year (2 plus 5 plus 4),
and there are 11 letters
each in ”Afghanistan,” ”New York City” and ”the
Pentagon” (and while we’re
counting, in George W. Bush), and the World Trade
towers themselves took the
form of the number 11, this seeming numerical message
is not actually a pattern
that exists but merely a pattern we have found. (After
all, the second flight to
hit the towers was United Airlines Flight 175, and the
one that hit the Pentagon
was American Airlines Flight 77, and the one that
crashed in a Pennsylvania
field was United Flight 93, and the Pentagon is
shaped, well, like a pentagon.)
The same goes for the way
we think of miraculous intervention. We need to be
told that those lucky last-minute
stops for an Egg McMuffin at McDonald’s or to
pick up a watch at the repair
shop or to vote in the mayoral primary — stops
that saved lives of people
who would otherwise have been in the towers when the
first plane hit — certainly
looked like miracles but could have been predicted
by statistics. So, too,
can the most breathtaking of happenings — like the
sparrow that happened to
appear at one memorial service just as a teenage boy,
at the lectern eulogizing
his mom, said the word ”mother.” The tiny bird
lighted on the boy’s head;
then he took it in his hand and set it free.
Something like that has to
be more than coincidence, we protest. What are the
odds? The mathematician
will answer that even in the most unbelievable
situations, the odds are
actually very good. The law of large numbers says that
with a large enough denominator
— in other words, in a big wide world — stuff
will happen, even very weird
stuff. ”The really unusual day would be one where
nothing unusual happens,”
explains Persi Diaconis, a Stanford statistician who
has spent his career collecting
and studying examples of coincidence. Given that
there are 280 million people
in the United States, he says, ”280 times a day, a
one-in-a-million shot is
going to occur.”
Throw your best story at
him — the one about running into your childhood
playmate on a street corner
in Azerbaijan or marrying a woman who has a
birthmark shaped like a
shooting star that is a perfect match for your own or
dreaming that your great-aunt
Lucy would break her collarbone hours before she
actually does — and he
will nod politely and answer that such things happen all
the time. In fact, he and
his colleagues also warn me that although I pulled all
examples in the prior sentence
from thin air, I will probably get letters from
readers saying one of those
things actually happened to them.
And what of the deaths of
nearly a dozen scientists? Is it really possible that
they all just happened to
die, most in such peculiar, jarring ways, within so
short a time? ”We can never
say for a fact that something isn’t a conspiracy,”
says Bradley Efron, a professor
of statistics at Stanford. ”We can just point
out the odds that it isn’t.”
I first found myself wondering
about coincidence last spring when I read a small
news item out of the tiny
Finnish town of Raahe, which is 370 miles north of
Helsinki. On the morning
of March 5, two elderly twin brothers were riding their
bicycles, as was their habit,
completing their separate errands. At 9:30, one
brother was struck by a
truck along coastal Highway 8 and killed instantly.
About two hours later and
one mile down the same highway, the other brother was
struck by a second truck
and killed.
”It was hard to believe
this could happen just by chance,” says Marko Salo,
the senior constable who
investigated both deaths for the Raahe Police
Department. Instead, the
department looked for a cause, thinking initially that
the second death was really
a suicide.
”Almost all Raahe thought
he did it knowing that his brother was dead,” Salo
says of the second brother’s
death. ”They thought he tried on purpose. That
would have explained things.”
But the investigation showed that the older
brother was off cheerfully
getting his hair cut just before his own death.
The family could not immediately
accept that this was random coincidence,
either. ”It was their destiny,”
offers their nephew, who spoke with me on
behalf of the family. It
is his opinion that his uncles shared a psychic bond
throughout their lives.
When one brother became ill, the other one fell ill
shortly thereafter. When
one reached to scratch his nose, the other would often
do the same. Several years
ago, one brother was hit and injured by a car (also
while biking), and the other
one developed pain in the same leg.
The men’s sister had still
another theory entirely. ”She worried that it was a
plot to kill both of them,”
the nephew says, describing his aunt’s concerns
that terrorists might have
made their way to Raahe. ”She was angry. She wanted
to blame someone. So she
said the chances of this happening by accident are
impossible.”
Not true, the statisticians
say. But before we can see the likelihood for what
it is, we have to eliminate
the distracting details. We are far too taken, Efron
says, with superfluous facts
and findings that have no bearing on the statistics
of coincidence. After our
initial surprise, Efron says that the real yardstick
for measuring probability
is ”How surprised should we be?” How surprising is
it, to use this example,
that two 70-year-old men in the same town should die
within two hours of each
other? Certainly not common, but not unimaginable. But
the fact that they were
brothers would seem to make the odds more astronomical.
This, however, is a superfluous
fact. What is significant in their case is that
two older men were riding
bicycles along a busy highway in a snowstorm, which
greatly increases the probability
that they would be hit by trucks.
Statisticians like Efron
emphasize that when something striking happens, it only
incidentally happens to
us. When the numbers are large enough, and the
distracting details are
removed, the chance of anything is fairly high. Imagine
a meadow, he says, and then
imagine placing your finger on a blade of grass. The
chance of choosing exactly
that blade of grass would be one in a million or even
higher, but because it is
a certainty that you will choose a blade of grass, the
odds of one particular one
being chosen are no more or less than the one to
either side.
Robert J. Tibshirani, a statistician
at Stanford University who proved that it
was probably not coincidence
that accident rates increase when people
simultaneously drive and
talk on a cellphone, leading some states to ban the
practice, uses the example
of a hand of poker. ”The chance of getting a royal
flush is very low,” he
says, ”and if you were to get a royal flush, you would
be surprised. But the chance
of any hand in poker is low. You just don’t notice
when you get all the others;
you notice when you get the royal flush.”
When these professors talk,
they do so slowly, aware that what they are saying
is deeply counterintuitive.
No sooner have they finished explaining that the
world is huge and that any
number of unlikely things are likely to happen than
they shift gears and explain
that the world is also quite small, which explains
an entire other type of
coincidence. One relatively simple example of this is
”the birthday problem.”
There are as many as 366 days in a year (accounting
for leap years), and so
you would have to assemble 367 people in a room to
absolutely guarantee that
two of them have the same birthday. But how many
people would you need in
that room to guarantee a 50 percent chance of at least
one birthday match?
Intuitively, you assume that
the answer should be a relatively large number. And
in fact, most people’s first
guess is 183, half of 366. But the actual answer is
23. In Paulos’s book, he
explains the math this way: ”[T]he number of ways in
which five dates can be
chosen (allowing for repetitions) is (365 x 365 x 365 x
365 x 365). Of all these
3655 ways, however, only (365 x 364 x 363 x 362 x 361)
are such that no two of
the dates are the same; any of the 365 days can be
chosen first, any of the
remaining 364 can be chosen second and so on. Thus, by
dividing this latter product
(365 x 364 x 363 x 362 x 361) by 3655, we get the
probability that five persons
chosen at random will have no birthday in common.
Now, if we subtract this
probability from 1 (or from 100 percent if we’re
dealing with percentages),
we get the complementary probability that at least
two of the five people do
have a birthday in common. A similar calculation using
23 rather than 5 yields
1/2, or 50 percent, as the probability that at least 2
of 23 people will have a
common birthday.”
Got that?
Using similar math, you can
calculate that if you want even odds of finding two
people born within one day
of each other, you only need 14 people, and if you
are looking for birthdays
a week apart, the magic number is seven.
(Incidentally, if you are
looking for an even chance that someone in the room
will have your exact birthday,
you will need 253 people.) And yet despite
numbers like these, we are
constantly surprised when we meet a stranger with
whom we share a birth date
or a hometown or a middle name. We are amazed by the
overlap — and we conveniently
ignore the countless things we do not have in
common.
Which brings us to the death
of Benito Que, who was not, despite reports to the
contrary, actually a microbiologist.
He was a researcher in a lab at the
University of Miami Sylvester
Cancer Center, where he was testing various agents
as potential cancer drugs.
He never worked with anthrax or any infectious
disease, according to Dr.
Bach Ardalan, a professor of medicine at the
University of Miami and
Que’s boss for the past three years. ”There is no truth
to the talk that Benito
was doing anything related to microbiology,” Ardalan
says. ”He certainly wasn’t
doing any sensitive kind of work that anyone would
want to hurt him for.”
But those facts got lost
amid the confusion — and the prevalence of very
distracting details — in
the days after he died. So did the fact that he had
hypertension. On the afternoon
of Monday, Nov. 19, Que attended a late-afternoon
lab meeting, and as it ended,
he mentioned that he hadn’t been feeling well. A
nurse took Que’s blood pressure,
which was 190/110. ”I wanted to admit him” to
the hospital, Ardalan says,
but Que insisted on going home.
Que had the habit of parking
his car on Northwest 10th Avenue, a side street
that Ardalan describes as
being ”beyond the area considered to be safe.” His
spot that day was in front
of a house where a young boy was playing outside.
Four youths approached Que
as he neared his car, the boy later told the police,
and there might have been
some baseball bats involved. When the police arrived,
they found Que unconscious.
His briefcase was at his side, but his wallet was
gone. His car was eventually
found abandoned several miles from the scene. He
was taken to the hospital,
the same one at which he worked, where he spent more
than a week in a coma before
dying without ever regaining consciousness.
The mystery, limited to small
items in local Florida papers at first, was ”What
killed Benito Que?” Could
it have been the mugging? A CAT scan showed no signs
of bony fracture. In fact,
there were no scrapes or bruises or other physical
signs of assault. Perhaps
he died of a stroke? His brain scan did show a ”huge
intracranial bleed,” Ardalan
says, which would have explained his earlier
headache, and his high blood
pressure would have made a stroke likely.
In other words, this man
just happened to be mugged when he was a stroke waiting
to be triggered. That is
a jarring coincidence, to be sure. But it is not one
that the world was likely
to have noticed if Don Wiley had not up and
disappeared.
on C. Wiley was a microbiologist.
He did some work with anthrax, and a lot of
work with H.I.V., and he
was also quite familiar with Ebola, smallpox, herpes
and influenza. At 57, he
was the father of four children and a professor of
biochemistry and biophysics
in the department of molecular and cellular biology
at Harvard.
On Nov. 15, four days before
the attack on Benito Que, Wiley was in Memphis to
visit his father and to
attend the annual meeting of the scientific advisory
board of St. Jude’s Research
Hospital, of which he was a member. At midnight, he
was seen leaving a banquet
at the Peabody Hotel in downtown Memphis. Friends and
colleagues say he had a
little to drink but did not appear impaired, and they
remember him as being in
a fine mood, looking forward to seeing his wife and
children, who were about
to join him for a short vacation.
Wiley’s father lives in a
Memphis suburb, and that is where Wiley should have
been headed after the banquet.
Instead, his car was found facing in the opposite
direction on the Hernando
DeSoto Bridge, which spans the Mississippi River at
the border of Tennessee
and Arkansas. When the police found the car at 4 a.m.,
it was unlocked, the keys
were in the ignition and the gas tank was full. There
was a scrape of yellow paint
on the driver’s side, which appeared to come from a
construction sign on the
bridge, and a right hubcap was missing on the passenger
side, where the wheel rims
were also scraped. There was no sign, however, of Don
Wiley.
The police trawled the muddy
Mississippi, but they didn’t really expect to find
him. Currents run fast at
that part of the river, and a body would be quickly
swept away. At the start
of the search, they thought he might have committed
suicide; others had jumped
from the DeSoto Bridge over the years. Detectives
searched Wiley’s financial
records, his family relationships, his scientific
research — anything for
a hint that the man might have had cause to take his
own life.
Finding nothing, the investigation
turned medical. Wiley, they learned, had a
seizure disorder that he
had hidden from all but family and close friends. He
had a history of two or
three major episodes a year, his wife told
investigators, and the condition
was made worse when he was under stress or the
influence of alcohol. Had
Wiley, who could well have been tired, disoriented by
bridge construction and
under the influence of a few drinks, had a seizure that
sent him over the side of
the bridge?
That was the theory the police
spoke of in public, but they were also
considering something else.
The week that Wiley disappeared coincided with the
peak of anthrax fear throughout
the country. Tainted letters appeared the month
before at the Senate and
the House of Representatives. Two weeks earlier, a New
York City hospital worker
died of inhaled anthrax. Memphis was not untouched by
the scare; a federal judge
and two area congressmen each received hoax letters.
Could it be mere chance
that this particular scientist, who had profound
knowledge of these microbes,
had disappeared at this time?
”The circumstances were
peculiar,” says George Bolds, a spokesman for the
Memphis bureau of the F.B.I.,
which was called in to assist. ”There were
questions that had to be
asked. Could he have been kidnapped because his
scientific abilities would
have made him capable of creating anthrax? Or maybe
he’d had some involvement
in the mailing of the anthrax, and he’d disappeared to
cover his tracks? Did his
co-conspirators grab him and kill him?
”We were in new territory,”
Bolds continued. ”Just because something is
conceivable doesn’t mean
it’s actually happened, but at the same time, just
because it’s never happened
before doesn’t mean it can’t happen. People’s ideas
of what is possible definitely
changed on Sept. 11. People feel less secure and
less safe. I’m not sure
that they’re at greater risk than they were before.
Maybe they’re just more
aware of the risk they are actually at.”
As a species, we appear to
be biologically programmed to see patterns and
conspiracies, and this tendency
increases when we sense that we’re in danger.
”We are hard-wired to overreact
to coincidences,” says Persi Diaconis. ”It
goes back to primitive man.
You look in the bush, it looks like stripes, you’d
better get out of there
before you determine the odds that you’re looking at a
tiger. The cost of being
flattened by the tiger is high. Right now, people are
noticing any kind of odd
behavior and being nervous about it.”
Adds John Allen Paulos: ”Human
beings are pattern-seeking animals. It might
just be part of our biology
that conspires to make coincidences more meaningful
than they really are. Look
at the natural world of rocks and plants and rivers:
it doesn’t offer much evidence
for superfluous coincidences, but primitive man
had to be alert to all anomalies
and respond to them as if they were real.”
For decades, all academic
talk of coincidence has been in the context of the
mathematical. New work by
scientists like Joshua B. Tenenbaum, an assistant
professor in the department
of brain and cognitive sciences at M.I.T., is
bringing coincidence into
the realm of human cognition. Finding connections is
not only the way we react
to the extraordinary, Tenenbaum postulates, but also
the way we make sense of
our ordinary world. ”Coincidences are a window into
how we learn about things,”
he says. ”They show us how minds derive richly
textured knowledge from
limited situations.”
To put it another way, our
reaction to coincidence shows how our brains fill in
the factual blanks. In an
optical illusion, he explains, our brain fills the
gaps, and although people
take it for granted that seeing is believing, optical
illusions prove that’s not
true. ”Illusions also prove that our brain is
capable of imposing structure
on the world,” he says. ”One of the things our
brain is designed to do
is infer the causal structure of the world from limited
information.”
If not for this ability,
he says, a child could not learn to speak. A child sees
a conspiracy, he says, in
that others around him are obviously communicating and
it is up to the child to
decode the method. But these same mechanisms can
misfire, he warns. They
were well suited to a time of cavemen and tigers and can
be overloaded in our highly
complex world. ”It’s why we have the urge to work
everything into one big
grand scheme,” he says. ”We do like to weave things
together.
”But have we evolved
into fundamentally rational or fundamentally irrational
creatures? That is one
of the central questions.”
We pride ourselves on being
independent and original, and yet our reactions to
nearly everything can be
plotted along a predictable spectrum. When the grid is
coincidences, one end of
the scale is for those who believe that these are
entertaining events with
no meaning; at the other end are those who believe that
coincidence is never an
accident.
The view of coincidence as
fate has lately become something of a minitrend in
the New Age section of bookstores.
Among the more popular authors is SQuire
Rushnell (who, in the interest
of marketing, spells his first name with a
capital Q). Rushnell spent
20 years producing such television programs as ”Good
Morning America” and ”Schoolhouse
Rock.” His fascination with coincidence
began when he learned that
both John Adams and Thomas Jefferson died on the same
July 4, 50 years after the
ratification of the Declaration of Independence.
”That stuck in my craw,”
Rushnell says, ”and I couldn’t stop wondering what
that means.” And so Rushnell
wrote ”When God Winks: How the Power of
Coincidence Guides Your
Life.” The book was published by a small press shortly
before Sept. 11 and sold
well without much publicity. It will be rereleased with
great fanfare by Simon &
Schuster next month. Its message, Rushnell says, is
that ”coincidences are
signposts along your universal pathway. They are hints
that you are going in the
right direction or that you should change course. It’s
like your grandmother sitting
across the Thanksgiving table from you and giving
you a wink. What does that
wink mean? ‘I’m here, I love you, stay the course.”’
During my interview with
Rushnell, I told him the following story: On a frigid
December night many years
ago, a friend dragged me out of my warm apartment,
where I planned to spend
the evening in my bathrobe nursing a cold. I had to
come with her to the movies,
she said, because she had made plans with a pal
from her office, and he
was bringing a friend for me to meet. Translation: I was
expected to show up for
a last-minute blind date. For some reason, I agreed to
go, knocking back a decongestant
as I left home. We arrived at the theater to
find that the friend who
was supposed to be my ”date” had canceled, but not to
worry, another friend had
been corralled as a replacement. The replacement and I
both fell asleep in the
movie (I was sedated by cold medicine; he was a medical
resident who had been awake
for 36 hours), but four months later we were
engaged, and we have been
married for nearly 15 years.
Rushnell was enthralled by
this tale, particularly by the mystical force that
seemed to have nudged me
out the door when I really wanted to stay home and
watch ”The Golden Girls.”
I know that those on the other end of the spectrum
— the scientists and mathematicians
— would have offered several overlapping
explanations of why it was
unremarkable.
There are, of course, the
laws of big numbers and small numbers — the fact that
the world is simultaneously
so large that anything can happen and so small that
weird things seem to happen
all the time. Add to that the work of the late Amos
Tversky, a giant in the
field of coincidence theory, who once described his role
in this world as ”debugging
human intuition.” Among other things, Tversky
disproved the ”hot hand”
theory of basketball, the belief that a player who
has made his last few baskets
will more likely than not make his next. After
examining thousands of shots
by the Philadelphia 76ers, he proved that the odds
of a successful shot cannot
be predicted by the shots that came before.
Tversky similarly proved
that arthritis sufferers cannot actually predict the
weather and are not in more
pain when there’s a storm brewing, a belief that
began with the ancient Greeks.
He followed 18 patients for 15 months, keeping
detailed records of their
reports of pain and joint swelling and matching them
with constantly updated
weather reports. There was no pattern, he concluded,
though he also conceded
that his data would not change many people’s beliefs.
We believe in such things
as hot hands and arthritic forecasting and predestined
blind dates because we notice
only the winning streaks, only the chance meetings
that lead to romance, only
the days that Grandma’s hands ache before it rains.
”We forget all the times
that nothing happens,” says Ruma Falk, a professor
emeritus of psychology at
the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, who studied years
ago with Tversky. ”Dreams
are another example,” Falk says. ”We dream a lot.
Every night and every morning.
But it sometimes happens that the next day
something reminds you of
that dream. Then you think it was a premonition.”
Falk’s work is focused on
the question of why we are so entranced by coincidence
in the first place. Her
research itself began with a coincidence. She was on
sabbatical in New York from
her native Israel, and on the night before Rosh
Hashana she happened to
meet a friend from Jerusalem on a Manhattan street
corner. She and the friend
stood on that corner and marveled at the coincidence.
What is the probability
of this happening? she remembers wondering. What did
this mean?
”How stupid we were,” Falk
says now, ”to be so surprised. We related to all
the details that had converged
to create that moment. But the real question was
what was the probability
that at some time in some place I would meet one of my
circle of friends? And when
I told this story to others at work, they encoded
the events as two Israelis
meeting in New York, something that happens all the
time.”
Why was her experience so
resonant for her, Falk asked herself, but not for
those around her? One of
the many experiments she has conducted since then
proceeded as follows: she
visited several large university classes, with a total
of 200 students, and asked
each student to write his or her birth date on a
card. She then quietly sorted
the cards and found the handful of birthdays that
students had in common.
Falk wrote those dates on the blackboard. April 10, for
instance, Nov. 8, Dec. 16.
She then handed out a second card and asked all the
students to use a scale
to rate how surprised they were by these coincidences.
The cards were numbered,
so Falk could determine which answers came from
respondents who found their
own birth date written on the board. Those in that
subgroup were consistently
more surprised by the coincidence than the rest of
the students. ”It shows
the stupid power of personal involvement,” Falk says.
The more personal the event,
the more meaning we give it, which is why I am
quite taken with my story
of meeting my husband (because it is a pivotal moment
in my life), and why SQuire
Rushnell is also taken with it (because it fits into
the theme of his book),
but also why Falk is not impressed at all. She likes her
own story of the chance
meeting on a corner better than my story, while I think
her story is a yawn.
The fact that personal attachment
adds significance to an event is the reason we
tend to react so strongly
to the coincidences surrounding Sept. 11. In a deep
and lasting way, that tragedy
feels as if it happened to us all.
Falk’s findings also shed
light on the countless times that pockets of the
general public find themselves
at odds with authorities and statisticians. Her
results might explain, for
instance, why lupus patients are certain their breast
implants are the reason
for their illness, despite the fact that epidemiologists
conclude there is no link,
or why parents of autistic children are resolute in
their belief that childhood
immunizations or environmental toxins or a host of
other suspected pathogens
are the cause, even though experts are skeptical. They
might also explain the outrage
of all the patients who are certain they live in
a cancer cluster, but who
have been told otherwise by researchers.
Let’s be clear: this does
not mean that conspiracies do not sometimes exist or
that the environment never
causes clusters of death. And just as statistics are often
used to show us that we
should not be surprised, they can also prove what we
suspect, that something
is wrong out there.
”The fact that so many suspected
cancer clusters have turned out to be
statistically insupportable
does not mean the energy we spent looking for them
has been wasted,” says
Dr. James M. Robins, a professor of epidemiology and
biostatistics at Harvard
and an expert on cancer clusters. ”You’re never going
to find the real ones if
you don’t look at all the ones that don’t turn out to
be real ones.”
Most often, though, coincidence
is a sort of Rorschach test. We look into it and
find what we already believe.
”It’s like an archer shooting an arrow and then
drawing a circle around
it,” Falk says. ”We give it meaning because it does
mean something — to us.”
Vladimir Pasechnik was 64
when he died. His early career was spent in the Soviet
Union working at Biopreparat,
the site of that country’s biological weapons
program. He defected in
1989 and spilled what he knew to the British, revealing
for the first time the immense
scale of Soviet work with anthrax, plague,
tularemia and smallpox.
For the next 10 years, he
worked at the Center for Applied Microbiology and
Research, part of Britain’s
Department of Health. Two years ago, he left to form
Regma Biotechnologies, whose
goal was to develop treatment for tuberculosis and
other infectious disease.
In the weeks before he died, Pasechnik had reportedly
consulted with authorities
about the growing anthrax scare. Despite all these
intriguing details, there
is nothing to suggest that his death was caused by
anything other than a stroke.
Robert Schwartz’s death,
while far more dramatic and bizarre, also appears to
have nothing to do with
the fact that he was an expert on DNA sequencing and
analysis. On Dec. 10 he
was found dead on the kitchen floor of his isolated
log-and-fieldstone farmhouse
near Leesburg, Va., where he had lived alone since
losing his wife to cancer
four years ago and his children to college. Schwartz
had been stabbed to death
with a two-foot-long sword, and his killer had carved
an X on the back of his
neck.
Three friends of Schwartz’s
college-age daughter were soon arrested for what the
prosecutor called a ”planned
assassination”; two of the trials for
first-degree murder are
scheduled for this month. A few weeks later, police
arrested the daughter as
well. One suspect has a history of mental illness, and
their written statements
to police talk of devil worship and revenge. There is
no talk, however, of microbiology.
On the same day that Schwartz
died, Set Van Nguyen, 44, was found dead in an
air-locked storage chamber
at the Australian Commonwealth’s Scientific and
Industrial Research Organization’s
animal diseases facility in Geelong. A
months-long internal investigation
concluded that a string of equipment failures
had allowed nitrogen to
build up in the room, causing Nguyen to suffocate.
Although the center itself
dealt with microbes like mousepox, which is similar
to smallpox, Nguyen himself
did not. ”Nguyen was in no way involved in research
into mousepox,” says Stephen
Prowse, who was the acting director of the
Australian lab during the
investigation. ”He was a valued member of the
laboratory’s technical support
staff and not a research scientist.”
Word of all these deaths
(though not the specific details) found its way to Ian
Gurney, a British writer.
Gurney is the author of ”The Cassandra Prophecy:
Armageddon Approaches,”
a book that uses clues from the Bible to calculate that
Judgment Day will occur
in or about the year 2023. He is currently researching
his second book, which is
in part about the threat of nuclear and biological
weapons, and after Sept.
11 he entered a news alert request into Yahoo, asking
to be notified whenever
there was news with the key word ”microbiologist.”
First Que, then Wiley, then
Pasechnik, Schwartz and Nguyen popped up on Gurney’s
computer. ”I’m not a conspiracy
theorist,” says the man who has predicted the
end of the world, ”but
it certainly did look suspicious.” Gurney compiled what
he had learned from these
scattered accounts into an article that
he sent to a number of Web
sites, including Rense.com, which tracks U.F.O.
sightings worldwide. ”Over
the past few weeks,” Gurney wrote, ”several
world-acclaimed scientific
researchers specializing in infectious diseases and
biological agents such as
anthrax, as well as DNA sequencing, have been found
dead or have gone missing.”
The article went on to call
Benito Que, the cancer lab technician, ”a cell
biologist working on infectious
diseases like H.I.V.,” and said that he had
been attacked by four men
with a baseball bat but did not mention that he
suffered from high blood
pressure. It then described the disappearance of Wiley
without mentioning his seizure
disorder and the death of Pasechnik without
saying that he had suffered
a stroke. It gave the grisly details of Schwartz’s
murder, but said nothing
of the arrests of his daughter’s friends. Nguyen, in
turn, was described as ”a
skilled microbiologist,” and it was noted that he
shared a last name with
Kathy Nguyen, the 61-year-old hospital worker who just
happened to be the one New
Yorker to die of anthrax.
Of course, there have always
been rumors based on skewed historical fact.
Recall, for example, the
list of coincidences that supposedly linked the deaths
of Presidents Lincoln and
Kennedy. It goes, in part, like this: The two men were
elected 100 years apart;
their assassins were born 100 years apart (in fact, 101
years apart); they were
both succeeded by men named Johnson; and the two
Johnsons were born 100 years
apart. Their names each contain seven letters;
their successors’ names
each contain 13 letters; and their assassins’ names each
contain 15 letters. Lincoln
was shot in a theater and his assassin ran to a
warehouse, while Kennedy
was shot from a warehouse and his assassin ran to a
theater. Lincoln, or so
the story goes, had a secretary named Kennedy who warned
him not to go to the theater
the night he was killed (for the record, Lincoln’s
White House secretaries
were named John Nicolay and John Hay, and Lincoln
regularly rejected warnings
not to attend public events out of fear for his
safety, including his own
inauguration); Kennedy, in turn, had a secretary named
Lincoln (true, Evelyn Lincoln)
who warned him not to go to Dallas (he, too, was
regularly warned not to
go places, including San Antonio the day before his trip
to Dallas).
I first read about these
connections five years after the Kennedy assassination,
when I was 8, which says
something about how conspiracy theory speaks to the
child in all of us. But
it also says something about the technology of the time.
The numerological coincidences
from the World Trade Center that I mentioned at
the start of this article
made their way onto my computer screen by Sept. 15,
from a friend of a friend
of a friend of an acquaintance, ad infinitum and ad
nauseam.
Professor Robins of Harvard
points out that ”the Web has changed the scale of
these things.” Had there
been a string of dead scientists back in 1992 rather
than 2002, he says, it is
possible that no one would have ever known. ”Back
then, you would not have
had the technical ability to gather all these bits and
pieces of information, while
today you’d be able to pull it off. It’s well known
that if you take a lot of
random noise, you can find chance patterns in it, and
the Net makes it easier
to collect random noise.”
The Gurney article traveled
from one Web site to the next and caught the
attention of Paul Sieveking,
a co-editor of Fortean Times, a magazine that
describes itself as ”the
Journal of Strange Phenomena.”
”People send me stuff all
the time,” Sieveking says. ”This was really
interesting.” Wearing his
second hat as a columnist for the The Sunday
Telegraph in London, he
wrote a column on the subject for that paper titled
”Strange but True — The
Deadly Curse of the Bioresearchers.” His version
began with the link between
the two Nguyens and concluded, ”It is possible that
nothing connects this string
of events, but . . . it offers ample fodder for the
conspiracy theorist or thriller
writer.”
Commenting on the story months
later, Sieveking says: ”It’s probably just a
random clumping, but it
just happens to look significant. We’re all natural
storytellers, and conspiracy
theorists are just frustrated novelists. We like to
make up a good story out
of random facts.”
Over the months, Gurney added
names to his list and continued to send it to
virtual and actual publications
around the U.S. Mainstream newspapers started
taking up the story, including
an alternative weekly in Memphis, where interest
in the Wiley case was particularly
strong, and most recently The Toronto Globe
and Mail. The tally of ”microbiologists”
is now at 11, give or take, depending
on the story you read. In
addition to the men already discussed, the names that
appear most often are these:
Victor Korshunov, a Russian expert in intestinal
bacteria, who was bashed
over the head near his home in Moscow; Ian Langford, a
British expert in environmental
risk and disease, who was found dead in his home
near Norwich, England, naked
from the waist down and wedged under a chair; Tanya
Holzmayer, who worked as
a microbiologist near San Jose and was shot seven times
by a former colleague when
she opened the door to a pizza delivery man; David
Wynn-Williams, who studied
microbes in the Antarctic and was hit by a car while
jogging near his home in
Cambridge, England; and Steven Mostow, an expert in
influenza, who died when
the plane he was piloting crashed near Denver.
The stories have also made
their way into the e-mail in-boxes of countless
microbiologists. Janet Shoemaker,
director of public and scientific affairs for
the American Society for
Microbiology, heard the tales and points out that her
organization alone has 41,000
members, meaning that the deaths of 11 worldwide,
most of whom were not technically
microbiologists at all, is not statistically
surprising. ”We’re saddened
by anyone’s death,” she says. ”But this is just a
coincidence. In another
political climate I don’t think anyone would have
noticed.”
Ken Alibek heard them, too,
and dismissed them. Alibek is one of the country’s
best-known microbiologists.
He was the No. 2 man at Biopreparrat (where Victor
Pasechnik also worked) before
he defected and now works with the U.S. government
seeking antidotes for the
very weapons he developed. Those who have died, he
says, did not really know
anything about biological weapons, and if there were a
conspiracy to kill scientists
with such knowledge, he would be dead. ”I
considered all this a little
artificial, because a number of them couldn’t have
been considered B.W. experts,”
he says with a hint of disdain. ”I got an
e-mail from Pasechnik before
he died, and he was working on a field completely
different from this. People
say to me, ‘Ken, you could be a target,’ but if you
start thinking about this,
then your life is over. I’m not saying I’m not
worried, but I’m not paying
much attention. I’m opening my mail as usual. If I
see something suspicious,
I know what to do.”
Others are not quite as sanguine.
Phyllis Della-Latta is the director of
clinical microbiology services
at New York’s Columbia Presbyterian Medical
Center. She found an article
on the deaths circulating in the most erudite place
— an Internet discussion
group of directors of clinical microbiology labs
around the world. These
are the people who, when a patient develops suspicious
symptoms, are brought in
to rule out things like anthrax.
Della-Latta, whom I know
from past medical reporting, forwarded the article to
me with a note: ”See attached.
FYI. Should I be concerned??? I’m off on a
business trip to Italy tomorrow
& next week. If I don’t return, write my
obituary.”
She now says she doesn’t
really believe there is any connection between the
deaths. ”It’s probably
only coincidence,” she says, then adds: ”But if we
traced back a lot of things
that we once dismissed as coincidence — foreigners
taking flying lessons —
we would have found they weren’t coincidence at all.
You become paranoid. You
have to be.”
Don Wiley’s body was finally
found on Dec. 20, near Vidalia, La., about 300
miles south of where he
disappeared.
The Memphis medical examiner,
O.C. Smith, concluded that yellow paint marks on
Wiley’s car suggest that
he hit a construction sign on the Hernando DeSoto
Bridge, as does the fact
that a hubcap was missing from the right front tire.
Smith’s theory is that heavy
truck traffic on the bridge can set off wind gusts
and create ”roadway bounce,”
which might have been enough to cause Wiley to
lose his balance after getting
out of the car to inspect the scrapes. He was
6-foot-3, and the bridge
railing would have only come up to mid-thigh.
”If Dr. Wiley were on the
curb trying to assess damage to his car, all of these
factors may have played
a role in his going over the rail,” Smith said when he
issued his report. Bone
fractures found on the body support this theory. Wiley
suffered fractures to his
neck and spine, and his chest was crushed, injuries
that are consistent with
Wiley’s hitting a support beam before he landed in the
water.
The Wiley family considers
this case closed. ”These kinds of theories are
something that’s always
there,” says Wiley’s wife, Katrin Valgeirsdottir, who
has heard all the rumors.
”People who want to believe it will believe it, and
there’s nothing anyone can
say.”
The Memphis Police also consider
the case closed, and the local office of the
F.B.I. has turned its attention
to other odd happenings. The talk of Memphis at
the moment is the bizarre
ambush of the city’s coroner last month. He was
wrapped in barbed wire and
left lying in a stairwell of the medical examiner’s
building with a live bomb
strapped to his chest.
Coincidentally, that coroner,
O.C. Smith, was also the coroner who did the
much-awaited, somewhat controversial
autopsy on Don Wiley.
What are the odds of that?